Argentine president Juan Perón and first lady Eva Perón
Juan Perón is the central symbol in the Justicialist Party.
Eva Perón claims the female vote in 1947

Peronism,[lower-alpha 1] also known as justicialism,[lower-alpha 2] is a labour[1] and left-leaning[2] Argentine political movement based on the ideas and legacy of Argentine ruler Juan Perón (1895–1974).[3] It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics.[3] Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run.[4]

Ideologically populist,[3] Peronism is widely considered to be a variant of left-wing populism,[5] although some described it as a Latin American form of fascism instead.[6][7][8] Others have criticized this as one-dimensional for having negative connotations, as it also includes a form of national-populism and nationalist socialism.[7] Peronism was also described as socialist by some political scientists,[9] who classified it as nationalist socialism,[10] non-Marxist socialism,[11] and Christian socialism.[12] Other scholars evaluate Peronism as a paternalistic conservative ideology,[13] and with a mixture of militant laborism and traditional conservatism.[14] Supporters of Peronism see it as socially progressive.[15] The main Peronist party is the Justicialist Party.[4] The policies of Peronist presidents have differed greatly,[4] but has been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism",[4] or populism.[3][16]

Perón became Argentina's labour secretary after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946.[3][17] He introduced social programs that benefited the working class,[18] supported labor unions and called for additional involvement of the state in the economy.[3] In addition, he helped industrialists.[4] Perón was hugely popular and gained even more admiration through his wife Eva, who championed for the rights of migrant workers and was beloved by the people.[19] Eva was so beloved that, in 1949, Juan Perón formed the Female Peronist Party, a new wing within his own party under her leadership.[20] Due to rising inflation and other economic problems and political repression, the military overthrew Perón in 1955.[21] The Peronist party was banned[21] and it was not until 1973 that open elections were held again in which Perón was re-elected president.[3] Perón died the next year; his widow and vice president Isabel took over the presidency.[3]

Perón's death left an intense power vacuum and the military promptly overthrew Isabel in 1976.[3] Since the return to democracy in 1983 Peronist candidates have dominated the presidency. As of 2023, Peronists held the presidency for 28 years. Carlos Menem was elected in 1989 and served for two consecutive terms over ten years. Menem moved the party to centre-right. His main focus was the privatization of state run enterprises,[4] the adoption of free-market policies[3] and good international relations with the United States.[4] After the De La Rúa administration collapsed, two interim Peronist leaders took over: Adolfo Rodríguez Saá and later Eduardo Duhalde. Left-wing Peronist Néstor Kirchner, elected in 2003, served for only one term, while his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, served two (having been elected in 2007 and re-elected in 2011), and from 2019 until 2023 was the vice president with Alberto Fernández as president.[3]

Overview

First emblem of the Peronist Party, 1946–1955

The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence, and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both capitalism and communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers.[22]

Peronism gained popularity in Argentina after the failure of its government to listen and recognize the needs of its middle class. As president of Argentina, Hipólito Yrigoyen did not listen to the workers' pleas for better wages and better working conditions after World War I. Yrigoyen was notorious for failing to oppose Argentina’s oligarchy. According to Teresa Meade in A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present, Yrigoyen failed "to establish a middle-class-based political system from 1916 to 1930 – mainly because his Radical Civic Union had neither the will nor the means to effectively oppose the dominance of the oligarchy".[23] Many in power did not work to change the way things were. However, Juan Perón, at that time a military officer, used his experiences in Europe and his admiration for certain leaders like Mussolini to create a new political atmosphere that he felt would better the lives of citizens in Argentina.[24]

Unlike Yrigoyen, Perón "recognized that the industrial working class was not necessarily an impediment, and could be mobilized to serve as the basis for building a corporatist state that joined the interests of labor with those of at least a large section of the national bourgeoisie to promote a nationalist agenda".[23]

Perón was yet unknown to the general public in the 1930s, but he already had high respect in the Argentinian army; he served as a military attaché between 1938 and 1940, and quickly gained a prestigious political position following the 1943 Argentine coup d'état. He took over the Labor Department in October 1943 and started cementing his reputation as the ally of the Argentinian trade unions, describing himself as a "labor unionist" (sindicalista) in an interview with a Chilean journalist. In November 1943, the national labour department was replaced by a new department for labour and welfare, which gave Perón enormous influence over the economy. Perón presented himself as a Catholic labourist committed to the ideals of "harmony" and “distributive justice". First breakthrough in his political career came with the settlement with Unión Ferroviaria in December 1943, which was the largest railroad union in Argentina at the time. Perón "offered the union almost everything it had been seeking, until now in vain, during the past fifteen years", which gave him the reputation of the “Argentina's Number One Worker" amongst railroad unionists.[25]

In January 1944, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez fell from power following the reveal of secret negotiations between Nazi Germany and Argentinian junta. The junta was forced to break diplomatic relations with the Axis and purge its cabinet of pro-Axis members. Ramírez was replaced by moderate Edelmiro Julián Farrell, which prompted protests from nationalist circles - in Tucumán, flags on government buildings flew at half-mast in sign of protest. Perón further expanded his power, as he took over the ministry of war that Farrell commanded before becoming president. In March 1944, railroad workers organized a demonstration in support of Perón, and in June, he was able to take control over metalworkers' union Unión Obrera Metalúrgica. Perón's speech from 11th June introduced the concept of "nation in arms", where he called war an inevitable consequence of human condition. According to Perón, a nation could win a war only if it would "develop true . . . solidarity [and] create a strong sense of discipline and personal responsibility in the people." The speech was commonly cited by domestic and international opponents of Perón, who accused him of fascist sympathies. The junta suffered a massive decline in prestige in August 1944, as the liberation of Paris sparked massive pro-Allied demonstrations in Argentina, in which the protesters called for the resignation of the junta for its Nazi sympathies.[26]

Perón would sharply reconfigure his views and speeches in late 1944, as the nationalist junt was facing intense pressure to reform and hold elections. He declared that his ultimate goal is to introduce "true democracy" in Argentina, and began searching for allies amongst the middle and upper classes. However, as he was rejected by the Radical circles, Perón committed himself to developing his popularity amongst the working class. Historian David Rock remarked that "Perón again found himself forced back on the support of the unions alone and at this point openly embraced democratic socialism."[27] He praised the victory of the Labour Party in the 1945 United Kingdom general election, portraying it as proof of "humanity marching toward a new world" and urged Argentinian workers to “to defend their rights for themselves if these rights were not to be taken away by their enemies." Perón also embraced the hitherto derogatory connotation of his supporters as "shirtless" (descamisado), which became a metaphor for poor and destitute worker that Peronism would lead towards a "national liberation".[28]

Using the term justicalismo to describe his ideology, Perón propagated it as socialismo nacional cristiano - "Christian national socialism", an unclear term that he used to discuss diverse government systems that in his belief corresponded to the will of the people while also considering the unique circumstances and culture of each nation.[29] According to Richard Gillespie, this expression meant to convey "a ‘national’ road to socialism, understood as a system of economic socialization and popular power respectful of specific national conditions and traditions."[30] In 1967, Perón defended his notion of 'national socialism' by arguing that "nationalism need not be at odds with socialism", given that "both, in the end, far from being antagonistic, can be united with a common goal of liberation of peoples and men". In the September 1972 meeting of left-wing Peronist groups, Peronism was described as "the national expression of socialism, insofar as it represents, expresses and develops in action the aspirations of the popular masses and the Argentine working class". Peronism was regarded as a form of autochthonous socialism that was to grant "political and economic emancipation" to the workers of Argentina.[31] However, whether Peronism constituted a genuine socialist movement of non-Marxist nature is unclear. John J. Johnson and Kalman H. Silvert linked Peronism to Argentinian reactionary nationalism and concluded that it is a fascist movement, whereas Juan José Hernández Arregui and Jorge Abelardo Ramos considered Peronism a variant of left-wing nationalism or a "revolutionary, anti-imperialist, nationalist movement".[32] Jorge Castañeda Gutman describes Peronism as a national populist movement that "undoubtedly belongs on the left of the political spectrum."[33]

Peronism was a broad movement that encompassed several ideologies and concepts. Argentinian historian Cristian Buchrucker described it as a mixture of nationalist, populist and Christian socialist elements, while Humberto Cucchetti stated that Peronism was an accumulation of many political concepts such as "nationalist socialism, trade unionist tradition, nationalisation of the middle strata, charismatic leadership, revolutionary prophetism, Third Worldism, justicialist ethics, Christian utopia, popular mobilisation and outlines of democratisation". While the movement was in the state of constant struggle between competing ideological movements between it, it never abandoned trade unions and its "revolutionary rhetoric that claimed to assume directly the features of a nationalist liberation movement".[34]

From the perspective of its opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was often compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government often silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic, especially noticeable in his second term from 1952 to 1955, where these policies were intensified as a form of control in the face of crisis. The corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned the Perón regime's arbitrariness and dictatorial tendencies.

The Economist has called Peronism "an alliance between trade unions and the "caudillos" of the backward north".[35]

Chilean senator Ignacio Walker has criticized Peronism as having "Fascistoid", "authoritarian" and "corporative" traits and a "perverse logic" considering this "the real wall between Chile and Argentina" and "not the Andes".[36]

Defenders of Peronism also describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata. Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its socially progressive initiatives.[15]

Ideology

Twenty Peronist Tenets

From Perón's "Peronist Philosophy":[37]

  1. "A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's."
  2. "Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist."
  3. "A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only."
  4. "For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work."
  5. "Working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least."
  6. "For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist." (In 1973, after coming back from exile, in a conciliatory attempt, and in order to lessen the division in society, Peron reformed this tenet to: "For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.")
  7. "No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch."
  8. "When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: Argentina first; the movement second; and thirdly, the individuals."
  9. "Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation."
  10. "The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social help. With them, we can give a hug of justice and love to the people."
  11. "Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, not martyrs."
  12. "Kids should be the only privileged class."
  13. "A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism."
  14. "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
  15. "As political doctrine, Justicialism balances the right of the individual and society."
  16. "As an economic doctrine, Justicialism proposes a social market, putting capital to the service of the economy and the well-being of the people."
  17. "As a social doctrine, Justicialism carries out social justice, which gives each person their rights in accordance to their social function."
  18. "Peronism wants an Argentina socially 'fair', economically 'free' and politically 'sovereign'."
  19. "We establish a centralized government, an organized State and a free people."
  20. "In this land, the best thing we have is our people."

Internal currents

Neo-Peronism

Vandorism or neo-Peronism was the expression of Argentine trade unionism, which conceived of itself as a trade union party, a factor of power, a force of its own that came to claim for itself the political representation of Peronism and assumed Peronism "without Perón", during the Peronist resistance since 1955. It was promoted mainly by the center-right party Unión Popular.[38]

Orthodox Peronism

Orthodox Peronism was the sector of Peronism that prevailed mainly (together with La Tendencia) at the end of the 60s, during the Peronist resistance, and that demanded total attachment to Perón's presidencies. In the consolidation of Orthodoxy, it included the most intransigent sectors of Peronism and, therefore, the most reluctant to accept any type of agreement with the government. With Peron's return to the presidency and his notable attachment to the most nationalist sectors of Peronism, it began to encompass those most reactionary sectors of the Peronist right that repudiated the sectors proclaimed revolutionary of Peronism identified as the Revolutionary Tendency. These sectors never identified themselves as the Peronist right, and claimed the title of Third Position, moving away from both the United States and the USSR. Historians mention not making the mistake of classifying them only within the political spectrum on the political right, since it also included those centrist sectors that wanted to distance themselves from Revolutionary Peronism.[39][40][41]

Revolutionary Peronism

Revolutionary Peronism were those sectors of Peronism, mainly young, who, influenced by the world historical moment they were going through, began to relate the essence of Peronism to the socialist revolution. Which were of great relevance during the Peronist resistance and the violent decade of the 70s. This area of Peronism is mainly classified as left or extreme left in the political spectrum, due to its large presence in the guerrilla sphere. The Tendency was mainly at odds with the Peronist Right and the Peronist Orthodoxy.[42]

Renovation Peronism

The Peronist Renovation emerged as an internal current in Peronism after the electoral defeat of 1983. It was formally constituted in 1985 by publishing its foundational manifesto signed by its national leaders: Antonio Cafiero, Carlos Grosso and Carlos Menem. Therefore, it constituted those Peronists who wanted to distance themselves from the process witnessed during the seventies with Peronist orthodoxy and the revolutionary tendency. Ideologically, it articulated the national-popular values of Peronism with liberal democracy values, such as the rule of law, deliberation and representative democracy. At the same time, it brought together sectors from the center and the right-wing.[43][44]

Menemism

Menemism is a term that designates the configuration of discursive and symbolic elements that accompanied the actions of the governments of Carlos Saúl Menem as head president of the Argentine Republic during the years 1989–1999. It is also used to designate that ideological movement around his figure, whose neoliberal ideology is described as center-right or right-wing.[45][46]

Federal Peronism

Federal Peronism, also called dissident Peronism, is that non-Kirchnerist or anti-Kirchnerist Peronism that emerges as an alternative to it. It is a space that covers various sectors of right or center Peronism.[47][48]

Kirchnerism

Kirchnerism is a center-left political movement centered around the governments of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. In 2019, Kirchnerism won the vice presidency of the Nation with Cristina Kirchner herself and with the sectors of federal Peronism, Alberto Fernández as president. In international politics they usually describe it as a movement of the political left.[49][50][51]

Perón's policies

Socialism, nationalism, and populism

Perón's ideas were widely embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Some of Perón's personal views later became a burden on the ideology, such as his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians.

Peronism is widely regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".[52] Perón's public speeches were consistently nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests.

Donald C. Hodges described Peronism as a "peculiar brand of socialism" that heavily incorporated elements of nationalism and Christian social teaching.[53] Main sources of inspiration for Perón and his polices were the Italian fascism of Mussolini, British laborism and the American New Deal. However, Peronists would avoid the socialist label because the Socialist Party of Argentina was considered a part of the Infamous Decade establishment, and because atheist tenets of socialism would alienate the working-class supporters of Perón. This prompted the movement to use the label of "justicialism" instead. Nevertheless, Hodges argues that despite its eccentric character, Peronism was a "Christian and humanist version of socialism" that aimed to develop a syndicalist state. Perón did express sympathy towards socialism in his speeches, stating: "I have not the least doubt that in the twenty-first century the world will be socialist. . . whether it is called populism, socialism, or justicialism."[54]

Trade union membership drastically increased under Perón, and amounted to 42% of Argentinian workforce by the time Perón was removed from office - a record in Latin America. Social justice, the main slogan of Peronism, was realized through redistributive policies, which allowed real wages to increase by 25% between 1943 and 1948, while the share of wages and salaries in the national income rose to 50% in 1950. Peronist regime would also introduce a radical reform of workers' rights - Perón implemented paid annual holidays and paid sick leave, established state-paid redundancy and dismissal compensation and workplace accident compensation. One of the most famous Peronist reforms was the aguinaldo, thirteenth-month bonus to salary which Perón described as his "Christmas present" for the workers.[55]

The main and most distinctive element of Peronist economy was the "Social Pact". Perón aimed to turn Argentina into a syndicalist state that would eventually establish "socialism of the non-Marxist variety" as the core of its economy. Peronist "Social Pact" was a system of collective agreements between labour and capital, with the state acting as intermediary to establish an "equilibrium" between the two forces. Argentinian labor gradually increased its share of the national income, reaching 50% by 1955. Justicialism also assumed gradual introduction of organized labour into state legislature, which Perón implemented on a regional scale as an experiment - Chaco received a syndicalist constitution under which half of the state legislature was to be chosen by the provincial electorate of the General Confederation of Labour. Describing Perón's syndicalism, Hodges wrote: "This was a far cry from Fascist versions of the syndicalist state as representing both owners' associations and the trade unions. With functional representation limited to trade unions, Peron's democratic recasting of national syndicalism favored organized labor."[56]

Peronism also lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and proposed economical unions with the countries of this region, which was expressed with his phrase: "The 2000s will find us unionized or dominated", but such ideas were ultimately abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón frequently sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues.[57] Perón would also align himself with socialist states such as Castro's Cuba and Allende's Chile. In his 1972 Actualization politica y docthnaha para la toma del poder, Perón included "perhaps the most revolutionary guidelines ever issued in his name", advising his supporters to reject Soviet communism while accepting Fidel Castro and Mao Tse-tung as fellow allies against American imperialism.[58]

Attitudes towards Indigenous peoples

By the time Perón came to power for the first time, there were around 129,000 Indigenous peoples in Argentina, amounting to around 0.8% of the total population. Despite their small numbers, Argentine Amerindians played a significant role in the populist rhetoric of Perónism. Perón presented himself as the champion of the working class and introduced a new kind of populist politics to Argentina that would heavily influence popular actions and the worker movement. Peronist rhetoric focused on the cult of the "common man" and vilified anti-Peronist groups which were portrayed as the establishment. Peronist appeal was successfully amplified by Eva Peron, whose fond and passionate speeches attracted the most marginalized parts of the Argentinian society.[59]

Peronist rhetoric had significant appeal to Argentinians of indigenous and African ancestry, and Perón recognized indigenous peoples as Argentine citizens and attempted to reorganize the state institutions responsible for their welfare. Embracing both the Peronist rhetoric and principles of populism, indigenous supporters of Peronism became known as the caciques, and inspired both political engagement and trust in state institutions amongst fellow natives. Because of this, Peronism made national politics relevant to indigenous communities of Argenitina for the first time and helped integrate them into the previously hostile Argentinian nation state. Mapuche leader Jeronimo Maliqueo described indigenous peoples as "the first Peronists", with Perón turning a previously invisible group of Argentinian society into active political actors.[59]

Given a near-total lack of national visibility of indigenous communities in Argentina before 1943, Perón's eagerness to make direct overtures to indigenous peoples was revolutionary to 1940s Argentinan politics. Peron and Evita were frequently photographed alongside indigenous Argentinians, and Perón's second five-year plan from 1952 included a direct reference to them: "The indigenous population will be protected through the direct action of the state, via their progressive incorporation into the rhythms and [living] standards of general national life." According to government minister of Argentina, while the indigenous population was extremely small, pro-native policies were included in Peronist plan because the indigenous peoples had "always merited the affectionate concern of our President." Perón also designed 19th April as an international day of commemoration for indigenous peoples.

The most important concession to indigenous community made by Peronism was its reform of the 1949 Constitution, which gave Native Argentinians equal states by removing the document's references to "racial differences" amongst Argentinians. A Peronist legislator from Tucuman that took part in the rewriting of the constituion stated that indigenous peoples "are as Argentine as we are ...I have seen them cheer for the country and for [the president] . . . in whom they have placed all their hopes for social redemption." As the result, indigenous peoples were able to receive military enrollment and citizenship papers for the first time, and were given voting rights under Perón. Seeking to utilize support for Perón amongst the native commuities, Peronist activists would organize registration campaigns amongst the indigenous. Anthropologist Claudia Briones recalled that during her visit to a Mapuche village, one of her interlocutors remarked: "Peron made us people! He gave us documents."[59]

According to Christine Mathias, "Perón enjoyed far more widespread popularity among indigenous people than any other Argentine leader". In 1943, Perón created labor ministry Secretario de Trabajo y Prevision, which was to oversee indigenous affairs and reservations; a decree from 1945 declared that "the state’s actions to protect indigenous populations have been characterized by narrowness and ineffectiveness, principally because they were never designated sufficient and lasting facilities or resources." In 1946 Perón then founded Direccion de Proteccion del Aborigen (DPA), with Mapuche leader Jeronimo Maliqueo becoming the director of the organization. Malique very frequently visited indigenous communities in Argentina, pledging: "As the Indian I am, I will never abandon the cause of the Indians. I will continue to be a nuisance no matter who is in power." Malique's appointment reinvigorated indigenous communities across Argentina. Toba leader Pablo Machado stated that the news had left all of the Toba-Qom people "with their hearts full of joy".[59]

Attitudes towards Jews

Argentina has had the largest Jewish population in Latin America since before Perón came to power. After becoming president, he invited members of the Jewish community to participate in his government. One of his advisors was José Ber Gelbard, a Jewish man from Poland. Peronism did not have an antisemitic bias.[60] The Jewish Virtual Library writes that while Juan Perón had sympathized with the Axis powers, Perón also expressed sympathy for Jewish rights and established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1949. Since then, more than 45,000 Jews have immigrated to Israel from Argentina".[61]

Shortly after coming to power, Perón faced accusations of antisemitism from both his domestic opponents as well as the United States. Jeffrey K. Marder remarks that anti-Peronists "distorted the facts, hastily and erroneously characterizing Perón as an antisemite", while the United States Department of State portrayed Peronism as a "Nazi menace", publishing the "Blue Book" in 1946. However, most foreign observers started changing their view on Perón by late 1940s and early 1950s - in his 1953 book Peron's Argentina, American historian George I. Blanksten critized Perón but credited him with disavowal of antisemitism. Likewise, the American Jewish Year Book reports from 1949 and 1950 delineated problems faced by the Jewish community in Argentina, but found little fault in Perón and his regime. Perón maintained cordial relations with Jewish groups and his interaction with the Jewish community mostly consisted of exchanging favors.[62]

Perón's movement was mainly based on industrial workers and the labor movement, which became the very foundation of his support base. However, Perón also attempted to appeal to marginalized and outsider groups of Argentinian society, which included numerous ethnic and immigrant communities. Argentinian Jews had significant influence on socialist and communist parties and trade unions, but stayed on the margins of Argentine social and political life, facing both discrimination and assimilationist policies of the 1930s liberal government. Perón sought to recruit the Jewish community into his Peronist support base as to broaden the support for his "New Argentina" and also dispel the accusations of fascism.[63]

In 1947, Perón founded Organización Israelita Argentina (OIA), the Jewish wing of the Peronist Party, in attempt to promote his ideology amongst the Jewish community. While OIA failed to attract much support of Argentinian Jews, it became an intermediary between Perón and the Jewish community. Argentinian Jews entered dialogue with Perón through IOA, securing favors and concessions. Jewish newspapers in Argentina particularly praised the socialist nature of Perón’s planned economy, leading to limited expressions of support. Peronism allowed the Jewish community to actively participate in the political life of Argentina; Jewish writer Isaías Lerner remarked: "The triumph of Perón meant a greater participation of the [Jewish] community in the political arena. For the first time in Argentina’s political history, a political party courted our community."[63]

In the book Inside Argentina from Perón to Menem, author Laurence Levine, also former president of the U.S.–Argentine Chamber of Commerce, writes that "although anti-Semitism existed in Argentina, Perón's own views and his political associations were not anti-Semitic".[64]

While Perón allowed many Nazi and other WWII-era Axis criminals to take refuge in Argentina, he also attracted many Jewish immigrants. Argentina has a Jewish population of over 200,000 citizens, one of the largest in the world.[65]

Relation to Catholicism

The ideology of Perón is considered to have been influenced by Catholic social teaching and to be a mixture of many political currents, one of them being social Catholicism.[66] Peronism had a corporatist tendency that was rooted in social and political philosophy of the Catholic Church, with its origins in 19th-century Christian socialism and papal encyclicals of Popes Leo XII and Pius XI; this was a common denominator for other left-wing populist movements in the region, such as the one in Mexico and Peru.[67] Peronism borrowed heavily from Catholic motifs, promising a harmonous society free of class conflict and describing its demand for social justice as the need to "humanize the capital" and to "counter a heartless and godless pecuniary capitalism". Perón himself described his ideology of justicalismo as a "unifying Christian movement", and according to Michael Goebel, Perón rhetoric "had its pedigree in the ideas of social Catholicism".[68] Perón also used Catholic rhetoric to downplay the perceived socialist nature of his ideology, given that Argentinian socialism was unpopular amongst Peronist constituency because of its militant atheism; Hodges concludes that "Perón's peculiar brand of socialism played down the socialist label in favor of its national and Christian sources".[69]

Initially, Perón had excellent relations with the Church - the Catholic Church recognized the 1943 coup and had cordial relations with the military junta, and Perón inherited cordial relations with the clergy, who placed great hopes in the new regime.[70] The junta gained the support of the Church thanks to its decree from 31 December 1943, which introduced compulsory Catholic religios instruction in all public schools, and created the Department of Religious Instruction for the purpose of regulating religious education.[71] Local Catholic hierarchy overwhelmingly favored Perón in the 1946 election, praising him for his focus on social welfare and referring to papal encyclicals. Argentine bishops issued a pastoral letter instructing Catholics to not vote for any part that advocated for a separation of Church and state, which was a direct blow at political opponents of Perón.[72] The Catholic Church had also gained profound influence on Argentinian society after World War I given the decline of militant secularism that once permeated the upper and middle classes of Argentina. Because of this, "the Church was now recognised as a much-needed partner in any political project."[73]

The relations between the Church and Perón turned sour around 1949, as Perón attacked the part of the clergy for being "a bastion of extravagance and display" that conflicted with the cult of simplicity that Peronism promoted. Perón argued that a "socially just" Argentina must reject lavishness in favour of "religion of humility" and "the religion of the poor, of those who feel hunger and thirst for justice." In 1952, the Church attacked Perón for allowing the screening of defamatory films in Buenos Aires, along with the introduction of gradual restrictions on religious education in schools. The rift between Peronist government and the Catholic clergy became especially visible in August 1952, when the death of Eva Perón was virtually ignored by the Church. In 1953, a part of Argentinian clergy became "worker-priests" in style of the movement popular amongst French priests at the time - worker-priests took blue-collar jobs in mines and factories to challenge communist dominance of labour unions in favour of promoting Christian socialism. Perón feared that Argentine worker-priests could also try to infiltrate Peronist trade unions this way, and the ambition amongst some Catholic circles to politically challenge Perón was confirmed in 1954, following the attempt to create a new Christian Democratic party that year.[74]

By 1953, the relations with the Church became openly hostile, and Peronist legislation legalizing divorce and temporarily decriminializing prostitution further alienated the clergy.[75] In 1954, Perón accused members of the clergy of organizing a conspiracy against the government, although he highlighted "that they were in no way representative of the Church in Argentina". Perón continued to attack what he described as "materialistic section of the clergy", and two Italian prelates were expelled from Argentina.[76] Between 1954 and 1955, the government imprisoned several priests for short periods of time, accusing them of political meddling or infiltration of the state trade unions, and Peronist militias clamped down on Catholic processions and organizations. The tension between the Church and Perón culminated in his excommunication in 1955, which is considered to have directly caused military coup against him that year.[77] David Rock argued that "Perón's regime finally collapsed when it turned against the church."[78]

Perón gradually improved his relations with the Church when in exile. In 1961, the Church allowed Perón to marry Isabel Perón despite his excommunication, and in 1963 he formally petitioned Pope John XXIII for pardon, which the Pope granted; the news of Perón's pardon did not become aware in Argentina until 1971. Perón would be greatly influenced by the Church during his exile, and was particularly fascinated by the progressive reforms introduced in Vatican II. He built bridges with left-wing Latin American clergy, who came to perceive Peronism as the political expression of the option for the poor. Peronism became seen as precursor of liberation theology, and Perón openly embraced liberation theology in his writings. Left-wing Argentinian priests founded the Movement of Priests for the Third World, who argued that "the Peronist movement, revolutionary, with its massive force, … will necessarily lead to the revolution which will make possible an original and Latin American socialism." Perón also abandoned the term of justicalismo and instead described his ideology as "national socialism", which biographer Jill Hedges described as "an autochthonous form of socialism as opposed to international Marxism, not Nazism". Peronism came to be strongly associated with progressive and left-wing clergy in Argentina; Brazilian promotor of liberation theology Leonardo Boff described Pope Francis as a Peronist during his visit to Argentina in 2013, remarking that the Pope was "clearly defining that the enemy of the peoples is capitalism, and to say that he must have great courage: he has to be Argentine, he has to be a Jesuit and he has to be a Peronist."[79]

The fusion of liberation theology with Peronism in Argentina was credited with the rise of the far-left Peronist organization Montoneros. Leaders of Montoneros such as Mario Firmenich and Roberto Perdía were Catholic nationalists who belonged to the Catholic Action, and encountered Peronist priests such as Carlos Mugica there. David Copello argues that "in their case, religion paved the way towards Peronism", who embraced both the Christan socialism of liberation theology and nationalist socialism of Peronism.[80] Michael Goebel argues that the formation of left-wing revolutionary organizations committed to Peronism was the result of Perón's ideology being formed out of mainly left-wing Catholicism rather than nationalist or neo-fascist currents. Montoneros represented a radicalization of Peronism, promoting Perón's return to Argentina as a first step towards "national liberation", embracing Marxism and naming "socialist fatherland" as their goal. Goebel concludes that Peronism represented an "anti-imperialist and third-world liberation movement more than right-wing Argentine nacionalismo."[81] According to Richard Gillespie, "through its commitment to social justice and the popular cause, radical Catholicism drew many youths towards the Peronist Movement." From there, Peronists Catholics were radicalized into Marxism with the influence of priests such as Camilo Torres Restrepo, who promoted Peronism and liberation theology as alternative to atheist communism and argued that "revolution is not only permitted but is obligatory for all Christians who see in it the most effective way of making possible a greater love for all men". This resulted in the creation of various communist organizations that were "committed to Peronism, socialism, and armed struggle".[82]

Criticism of Perón's policies

Political opponents maintain that Perón and his administration resorted to organised violence and dictatorial rule; that Perón showed contempt for any opponents, and regularly characterised them as traitors and agents of foreign powers.

Perón subverted freedoms by nationalising the broadcasting system, centralising the unions under his control and monopolising the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón also resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbín; and shutting down opposition papers, such as La Prensa.

Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented.[83] Whether Peronism was fascist or not is heavily contested. Historian Federico Finchelstein, philosopher Donald C. Hodges and historian Daniel James argue that Perón was not fascist,[84][85][86] while lawyer Carlos Fayt, historian Paul Hayes and political scientist Paul H. Lewis categorise Peronism as a fascist ideology,[7] or as having been influenced by it.[84] Carlos Fayt believed that Peronism was "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism".[7] Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism that was distinctively Latin American".[7][6] However, James P. Brennan remarked that "In general, even those authors convinced of the fascist character of Peronism recognize that its predominant characteristics resemble very little those of European fascism."[87]

One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers (SADE) by saying:

Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty; more loathsome still is the fact that they breed idiocy. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ceremonies, mere discipline usurping the place of clear thinking [...] Fighting these sad monotonies is one of the duties of a writer. Need I remind readers of Martín Fierro or Don Segundo that individualism is an old Argentine virtue.[88]

Amongst scholars who argue that Peronism was not a fascist movement, Donald C. Hodges remarked that it is a "cheap academic trick to lump together fascism (...) and Peronism". Perón embraced the fascist concept of the state as the juridical instrument that can only function within and serve the nation, but rejected the organic notions of the state assuming the dominating role by organizing the nation. Perón also prided himself in his doctrinal flexibility and elasticity, and agreed with national syndicalism of Primo de Rivera in principle, although he ultimately pursued a different political path. Hodges argues that "In view of both its gradualism and its concern for striking a balance between extremes, justicialism has more in common with the American New Deal than with either Italian fascism or German national socialism."[85] Daniel James believes that the neo-corporatism of Peronism cannot be explained by any allegiance to fascist ideas, arguing that Perón "took his ideas principally from social catholic, communitarian ideologues rather than from any pre-1955 fascistic theory."[89] As a response to Carlos Fayt who characterized Perónism as fascist, James P. Brennan wrote:

A close study of Peronist ideology, however, shows that the differences between it and fascism are greater than their few similarities. The central components of Justicialismo — that is, of Peronist ideology — have roots in the Social Christianism and national populism of the FORJA (the yrigoyenista, the nationalist youth wing of the Radical Party in the 1930s), and in syndicalism. Moreover, this synthesis proved to be more resilient over time than many had assumed. In Peronism’s formative stage, the irrational vitalisme (“life” philosophy) and Social Darwinism of fascism had minimal and no influence, respectively. With regard to Italian corporatism, which ended up replacing the unions and democratic elections, it cannot be seriously compared with the syndicalist element in Peronism. Peronism’s presumedly expansionist goals likewise are nowhere in evidence, and Sebreli’s thesis does not stand up to the slightest analysis. The only similarity that can be acknowledged is the particular importance both ideologies granted to the concept of the leader.

Whereas Italian fascism and German nazism destroyed the universal suffrage that had existed in those countries, Peronism on the other hand put an end to the systematic electoral fraud that had been practiced in Argentina between 1932 and 1943. There was no militarization of society, nor was public spending directed toward a massive arms buildup. Economic policy was dirigisme, but if state, planning is an indicator of fascism, one would have to conclude that Mexico under Cardenas and Great Britain under the Labour governments were also Fascist states. The Peronist governments of 1946-1955 and 1973-1976 directed their efforts toward distributive and industrializing policies.[90]

According to Pablo Bradbury, while there was a great divergence between formal Peronist ideology and the wider Peronist movement, the ideology of Perón was not fascist; Bradbury argues that nationalism of Peronism was not rooted in a sense of expansion or imperialist greatness, but was left-wing nationalism that "found its most prominent expressions in anti-imperialism, whether against British economic dominance or US political interference." He also remarked that "Peronism originated in a military dictatorship, but established a populist authoritarian democracy". The democratizing movement within Peronism was significant, as it empowered previously marginalized groups - Peronism introduced universal suffrage and reshaped the definition of Argentinian citizenship and national identity. Bradbury also points to the racist rhetoric of middle-class and upper-class opponents of Peronism, who called Peronists cabecitas negras ("little black heads"), portraying the Peronist masses as prone to criminality, unsophisticated, dark-skinned and of immigrant background.[91] Michael Goebel likewise points to the inclusive character of Peronism that conflicted with the exclusive nature of fascism - non-Spanish surnames were far more prevalent amongst the Peronist leadership than among any other political movement in Argentina, and "even in the more marginal provinces, Peronist politicians often had rather recent immigrant origins."[92]

Peronism after Perón

Fall of Perón

A military and civilian coup, the Revolución Libertadora, led by General Eduardo Lonardi, overthrew the Perón government in 1955. During the coup, Lonardi drew analogies between Perón and Juan Manuel de Rosas. Lonardi used the quote "neither victors nor vanquished" (Spanish: ni vencedores ni vencidos), which was used by Justo José de Urquiza after deposing Rosas in the battle of Caseros. The official perspective was that Perón was "the second tyranny", the first one being Rosas; and that both ones should be equally rejected and conversely both governments that ousted them should be praised. For this end, they draw the line of historical continuity "May – Caseros – Libertadora", matching the coup with the May Revolution and the defeat of Rosas. This approach backfired. Perón was highly popular and the military coup unpopular, so Peronists embraced the comparison established between Rosas and Perón, but viewing him with a positive light instead.[93] Nationalist historians draw then their own line of historical continuity "San Martín – Rosas – Perón".[94]

The absence of Perón, who lived for 16 years in exile in Francoist Spain, is an important key to understanding Peronism. After he went into exile, he could be invoked by a variety of Argentine sectors opposed to the current state of affairs. In particular, the personality cult of Eva Perón was conserved by supporters while despised by the "national bourgeoisie". In the 1960s, John William Cooke's writings became an important source of left-wing revolutionary Peronism. Left-wing Peronism was represented by many organizations, from the Montoneros and the Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas to the Peronist Youth, the Frente Revolucionario Peronista and the Revolutionary Peronist Youth, passing by Peronismo en Lucha or Peronismo de Base.[95]

On the other hand, older Peronists formed the base of the orthodox bureaucracy, represented by the Unión Obrera Metalúrgica (Augusto Vandor, famous for his 1965 slogan "For a Peronism without Perón" and declaring as well that "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón", or José Ignacio Rucci). Another current was formed by the "62 Organizaciones 'De pie junto a Perón'", led by José Alonso and opposed to the right-wing Peronist unionist movement. In the early 1970s, left-wing Peronism rejected liberal democracy and political pluralism as the mask of bourgeois domination. The anti-communist right-wing Peronism also rejected it in the name of corporatism, claiming to return to a "Christian and humanist, popular, national socialism".[95]

Perón restored

By 1970, many groups from opposite sides of the political spectrum had come to support Perón, from the left-wing and Catholic Montoneros to the fascist-leaning and strongly antisemitic Tacuara Nationalist Movement, one of Argentina's first guerrilla movements. In March 1973, Héctor José Cámpora, who had been named as Perón's personal delegate, was elected President of Argentina, paving the way for the return of Perón from Spain. A few months after Perón's return and the subsequent Ezeiza massacre during which the Peronist Left and Right violently clashed, new elections were held in September with Perón elected president and his third wife Isabel vice president.[95]

José Cámpora, a left-wing Peronist, had been replaced temporarily by interim President Raúl Alberto Lastiri while Perón had chosen to openly support the Peronist right. On 1 October 1973, Senator Humberto Martiarena, who was the national secretary of the Superior Council of the National Justicialist Movement, publicized a document giving directives to confront "subversives, terrorist and Marxist groups" which had allegedly initiated a "war" inside the Peronist organizations.[95] From then on, the Superior Council took a firm grip on the Peronist organizations to expel the Left from it.[95]

On that same day, a meeting took place among President Raúl Lastiri, Interior Minister Benito Llambí, Social Welfare Minister José López Rega, general secretary of the Presidency José Humberto Martiarena and various provincial governors, which has been alleged to have been the foundational act of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance, orthodox peronist and death squad.[96]

Perón's health was failing throughout his third and final term, which ended abruptly with his death and the succession of his wife to the presidency on 1 July 1974, but she was ousted by the military in another coup d'état in 1976, paving the way for the ensuing dictatorship's "National Reorganization Process" and the subsequent "Dirty War" against everyone deemed subversive, especially leftists, including left-wing Peronists.

Menem years

The official Peronist party is the Justicialist Party (PJ), which was the only Peronist party for a long time. During the government of Carlos Menem, a group of legislators led by Carlos Álvarez known as the "Group of 8" left the party, claiming that the government was not following Peronist doctrines. They created a new party, the Broad Front.

A short time later, José Octavio Bordón left the PJ as well, fearing that he might lose a primary election against Menem and thus he created his own party to take part in the 1995 elections and allied with Álvarez' Broad Front in the Front for a Country in Solidarity (Frepaso) coalition. Similar breakaway movements followed frequently after that, creating many small parties which were led by single politicians claiming to be the authentic inheritors of Peronism.

Kirchnerism

Néstor Kirchner addressing a multitude at Gualeguaychú

The PJ did not participate as such during the 2003 elections. The party allowed all three precandidates to run for the general elections, using small parties created for that purpose.[97] Néstor Kirchner won the elections running on a Front for Victory ticket.[98] As he did not disband his party after the election, Kirchnerism relies on both the PJ and the Front for Victory.

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Spanish: peronismo
  2. ↑ Spanish: justicialismo. The Justicialist Party is the main Peronist party in Argentina, it derives its name from the concept of social justice.

References

  1. ↑
    • James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. p. 214. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8. Of all the varieties of populism, it is well known that Peronism is unique because of its large and strong trade union component.
    • Halperin-Donghi, Tulio (1998). "The Peronist Revolution and its Ambiguous Legacy" (PDF). The Institute of Latin American Studies Occasional Papers. University of London (17): 24. ISSN 0953-6825. Beyond these specific considerations, Peron's opening of the movement's structures to the leftist currents reflected his more permanent concern for the dominant influence labour had imposed on the movement since its creation; already in 1946 this had moved him to grant an unjustifiably large representation in its structures to the dissident Radicals.
  2. ↑
    • James, Daniel (1988). Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. p. 208. ISBN 0-521-46682-2. Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary, and loyalty to its exiled and vilified leader often seemed enough of a definition of a political strategy.
    • Funke, Manuel; Schularick, Moritz; Trebesch, Christoph (23 October 2020). Populist Leaders and the Economy (PDF). p. 91. ISSN 0265-8003. Juan Peron ruled Argentina as president from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974. He led "an anti-elitist movement that opposed the landowner oligarchy and established institutions" (Filc 2011, 228f). (...) With a view to the economy, he stressed social justice (Eatwell 2017a, Rooduijn 2014, Tamarin 1982), "railed against the idle and exploitative rich" (Eatwell 2017a, 375) and against "the local oligarchy, the foreign investors, and their political representatives" (Barbieri 2015). In his discourse the "main distinction between the people and the elite was of socioeconomic status" (Barbieri 2015, 217). He is therefore coded as left-wing populist.
    • Nicolás Cachanosky; Alexandre Padilla; Alejandro Gómez (2021). "Immigration and institutional change: Did mass immigration cause peronism in argentina?". Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization. 184 (1). doi:10.1016/j.jebo.2021.01.027. We find no direct link between mass immigration and the rise of Peronism in Argentina. Even though immigrants were a crucial factor in Argentina's social and economic development, the rise of Perón and left-of-center populism resulted from politics unrelated to immigrants' presence. (...) Perón, not the preceding military governments, pushed government spending beyond its sustainable levels in a typical left-populist fashion (Dornbusch and Edwards, 1990).
    • Hodges, Donald C. (1976). Argentina 1943-1976: The National Revolution and Resistance. University of New Mexico Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-8263-0422-2. Actually, the terms "Nasserism" and "Peronism" are interchangeable when applied to the younger generation of left-wing officers in Latin America.
    • Castañeda Gutman, Jorge (1994). Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War. Vintage Books. pp. 39–40. ISBN 0-394-58259-4. Until the Cuban Revolution, Communist parties had shared the Latin American left's political stage with another broad political current that today partially retains its importance. The national-popular sectors that embody this movement trace their origins back to Latin America's so-called "populist" tradition that surfaced in the 1930s. Peron in Argentina, Cardenas in Mexico, Vargas in Brazil, Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador, Haya de la Torre's APRA in Peru, and, up to a point, Victor Paz Estenssoro's Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario in Bolivia often continue to be central historical reference points for many contemporary political movements. These movements' original leaders, together with the historical periods of collective consciousness and popular enfranchisement, are symbols of an era and a certain idea of modernity in Latin America: the inclusion of the excluded.
    • Gansley-Ortiz, Antonio Luis (2018). "Perón and the Argentine Paradox: An Investigation into an Economic Mystery". Senior Projects. Bard Digital Commons. 306: 25. Regardless, Peronism is universally agreed upon to be a left wing populism which tends towards the authoritarian, especially during the latter half of Perón's first presidency. Unlike the right wing ideologies of Mussolini and Franco, Peronism relied heavily on unions and the working class.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 "Peronist". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 9 November 2019.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 "The persistence of Peronism". The Economist. 15 October 2015. Archived from the original on 2019-07-18.
  5. ↑ Gansley-Ortiz, Antonio Luis (2018). "Perón and the Argentine Paradox: An Investigation into an Economic Mystery". Senior Projects. Bard Digital Commons. 306: 25. Regardless, Peronism is universally agreed upon to be a left wing populism which tends towards the authoritarian, especially during the latter half of Perón's first presidency. Unlike the right wing ideologies of Mussolini and Franco, Peronism relied heavily on unions and the working class.
  6. 1 2 Hayes, Paul (1973). Fascism. London: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-0-04-320090-2. OCLC 862679.
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 Brennan, James P. Peronism and Argentina. Rowman & Littlefield. 1998.
  8. ↑ Montes de Oca, Ignacio (2018). El fascismo argentino - La matriz autoritaria del peronismo (in Spanish). ISBN 9789500761680.
  9. ↑ James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. p. 22. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8. One way to approach the problem might be to order the exist- ing interpretations of Peronism into a three-tiered scheme that would group two competing schools of interpretation linked to Peronism's own internal debate (that is, alternative interpretations coming from within the movement's ranks) with a third, an exogenous perspective. The latter corresponds to the thesis that Peronism is a variant of fascism, with all the negative connotations that such a categorization implies. The former two do not present such a one-dimensional interpretation, as within each there is found a polemic, alternately recriminatory and approbative, sustained among Peronist, conservative, and socialist authors. These are the interpretations that on the one hand revolve around the concept of populism (at times National Populism), and on the other those interpretations that can be categorized as a form of Socialism (at times National Socialism), with revolutionary implications.
  10. ↑ James, Daniel (1988). Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. p. 241. ISBN 0-521-46682-2.
  11. ↑ James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. p. 28. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8.
  12. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 56. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0. Consequently, Peron settled for the term "justicialism." The odds clearly favored his Christian and humanist version of socialism.
  13. ↑ James Brennan, ed. (2009). The Labor Wars in Cordoba, 1955-1976: Ideology, Work, and Labor Politics in an Argentine Industrial Society. Harvard University Press. p. 9. ISBN 9780674028753.
  14. ↑ Frederick Turner; Jose Enrique Miguens, eds. (1983). Juan Peron and the Reshaping of Argentina. University of Pittsburgh Pre. p. 173. ISBN 9780822976363.
  15. 1 2 Massidda, Adriana (2020). "Shantytowns, housing and state order: the Plan de Emergencia in 1950s Argentina". Planning Perspectives. 36 (2): 215–236. doi:10.1080/02665433.2020.1745088. S2CID 216296191.
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  17. ↑ Dougherty, Terri (2003). Argentina. pp. 35. ISBN 978-1-59018-108-9 – via Internet Archive.
  18. ↑ Dougherty 2003, p. 36.
  19. ↑ Dougherty 2003, p. 37.
  20. ↑ Meade, T. A. (2016). A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 204
  21. 1 2 Dougherty 2003, p. 39.
  22. ↑ Wiarda, Howard J. (July 2009). "The Political Sociology of a Concept: Corporatism and the "Distinct Tradition"". The Americas. 66 (1): 81–106. doi:10.1353/tam.0.0155. ISSN 0003-1615.
  23. 1 2 Meade, T. A. (2016). A History of Modern Latin America: 1800 to the Present. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 202
  24. ↑ Minster, C. (2019, July 28). Biography of Juan Perón, Argentina's Populist President. Retrieved from https://www.thoughtco.com/biography-of-juan-peron-2136581
  25. ↑ Rock, David (1993). Authoritarian Argentina: The Nationalist Movement, Its History and Its Impact. University of California Press. p. 142. ISBN 0-520-20352-6.
  26. ↑ Rock 1993, p. 145
  27. ↑ Rock 1993, p. 152
  28. ↑ Rock 1993, p. 153
  29. ↑ Koch, Robert D. (27 March 2020). The Geopolitics of Juan Perón: A New Order for an Imperfect World (Doctor of Philosophy in History thesis). University of South Florida. pp. 4–5.
  30. ↑ Gillespie, Richard (1982). Soldiers of Peron: Argentina's Montoneros. Oxford University Press. pp. 38–39. ISBN 0-19-821131-7.
  31. ↑ Caruso, Valeria (2022). "Entre el Gran Acuerdo Nacional y Trelew: alcances y significaciones de los conceptos de socialismo nacional y peronismo". Quinto Sol (in Spanish). Universidad Nacional de La Pampa. 26 (1): 1–19. doi:10.19137/qs.v26i1.5597.
  32. ↑ Spektorowski, Alberto (1994). "The Ideological Origins of Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina, 1930-43". Journal of Contemporary History. Sage Publications, Ltd. 29 (1): 179. JSTOR 260959.
  33. ↑ Castañeda Gutman, Jorge (1994). Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War. Vintage Books. p. 43. ISBN 0-394-58259-4.
  34. ↑ Cucchetti, Humberto (2008). "Redes sociales y retórica revolucionaria: una aproximación a la revista Las Bases (1971-1975)". Nuevo Mundo, Mundos Nuevos (in Spanish). 12. hdl:11336/30928. ISSN 1626-0252.
  35. ↑ "Carlos Menem, a conservative caudillo, tarnished liberalism". The Economist. 2021-02-20. Retrieved 2021-03-04.
  36. ↑ Walker, Ignacio (May 6, 2004). "Ignacio Walker: "Nuestros vecinos argentinos"". El Mercurio. Santiago, Chile. Retrieved May 26, 2014.
  37. ↑ "Modelo Argentino para el Proyecto Nacional" (PDF).
  38. ↑ "El primer peronismo sin Perón: la Unión Popular durante la Revolución Libertadora" (PDF).
  39. ↑ "CONFLICTOS PROVINCIALES ENTRE TENDENCIA Y ORTODOXIA. La Rioja, un estudio de caso". www.google.com. Retrieved 2023-03-10.
    Era otra expresión significativa que designaba a todos aquellos actores ubicados en la llamada derecha peronista; pero eso, en última instancia, fue más allá ya que también podía incluir a los sectores centristas o moderados del peronismo. Era ni más ni menos que su oponente por excelencia: la ortodoxia peronista.
  40. ↑ Besoky, Juan Luis. Leales y ortodoxos, la derecha peronista. ¿Una coalición contrarrevolucionaria? (PDF) (in Spanish). Argentina.
    No todas las organizaciones peronistas que fueron críticas con la izquierda pueden englobarse dentro de la derecha, como es el caso de Guardia de Hierro, que luego se convirtió en la Organización Única de Traspaso Generacional (OUTG). Teniendo en cuenta el trabajo realizado sobre esta organización por Tarruella (2005), Anchou y Bartoletti (2008) y Cucchetti (2010), entre otros, sería pertinente situarla en el centro político, a una distancia más o menos equidistante (según el momento) de la derecha y la izquierda del peronismo. En este caso sería más adecuado ubicarlos dentro del campo del peronismo ortodoxo pero no de la derecha.
  41. ↑ Besoky, Juan Luis (2012). Una aproximación a la derecha peronista 1973–1976 (PDF) (in Spanish).
  42. ↑ Tocho, Fernanda (2015-07-17). "El desafío institucional: las prácticas políticas no armadas de la Tendencia Revolucionaria del Peronismo en el Ministerio de Asuntos Agrarios de la provincia de Buenos Aires (1973-1974)". Sociohistórica (in Spanish) (35). ISSN 1852-1606. Retrieved 2023-04-02.
  43. ↑ Garategaray, Martina (June 2013). "Entre Perón y Alfonsín: Notas sobre la Renovación peronista (1983-1988)". Temas y Debates (25): 35–57. ISSN 1853-984X.
  44. ↑ McGuire, James W. (1999-02-01). Peronism Without Perón: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-3655-8.
  45. ↑ Fair, Hernán (January 2016). "Del peronismo nacional-popular al peronismo neoliberal: Transformaciones de las identidades políticas en la Argentina menemista". Colombia Internacional (86): 107–136. doi:10.7440/colombiaint86.2016.04. hdl:11336/91135. ISSN 0121-5612. Retrieved 2023-04-02.
  46. ↑ Souroujon, G. (2019). Los imaginarios de la centroderecha argentina. Entre el primer mundo y la autoayuda. Refexión Política 21 (42), pp. 129-143. doi: 10.29375/01240781.3326
  47. ↑ "El peronismo no kirchnerista busca su destino. Alternativa Federal discute candidaturas que puedan vencer tanto a Cristina Kirchner como a Macri en las generales de octubre en Argentina". El País. 22 May 2019.
  48. ↑ Domínguez, Juan José (15 October 2020). "Alejandro "Topo" Rodríguez: No se puede construir nada a futuro con impronta macrista. El referente de Roberto Lavagna en el Congreso analiza el futuro del peronismo no kirchnerista, espacio del que también forma parte Hacemos por Córdoba". La Voz.
  49. ↑ Dube, Ryan (19 August 2019). "Argentina's Fernández Moves from Little-Known Politician to Next Likely President". Wall Street Journal.
  50. ↑ Jalalzai, Farida (2015). Routledge (ed.). Women Presidents of Latin America: Beyond Family Ties?. Routledge. p. 27. ISBN 9781317668350.
  51. ↑ Agustín, Óscar G.; Briziarelli, Marco (2017). Springer (ed.). Podemos and the New Political Cycle: Left-Wing Populism and Anti-Establishment Politics. Springer. p. 195. ISBN 9783319634326.
  52. ↑ "Buenos Aires Journal". The New York Times. 13 January 1990.
  53. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 56. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  54. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  55. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  56. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 69. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  57. ↑ "Chronicle of an Inconclusive Negotiation: Perón, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank (1946–1955)". Hispanic American Historical Review. 92.
  58. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 80. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  59. 1 2 3 4 Mathias, Christine (23 October 2019). "The First Peronists: Indigenous Leaders, Populism, and the Argentine Nation-State". Journal of Social History. 54 (3): 843–871. doi:10.1093/jsh/shz085.
  60. ↑ Crassweller, David. Perón and the Enigmas of Argentina. W.W. Norton and Company. 1987. p. 221. ISBN 0-393-30543-0.
  61. ↑ Weiner, Rebecca. "Post World War II". Jewish Virtual Library.
  62. ↑ Jeffrey K. Marder (February 1996). Toward a convivencia: Juan Peron and the Jews of Argentina, 1943-1949 (PDF) (Master of Arts in the Department of History thesis). Ontario: Simon Fraser University. ISBN 0-612-17005-5.
  63. 1 2 Lawrence D. Bell (2002). The Jews and Perón: Communal Politics and National Identity in Peronist Argentina, 1946-1955 (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University.
  64. ↑ Levine, Laurence. Inside Argentina from Perón to Menem: 1950–2000 From an American Point of View. p. 23.
  65. ↑ Valente, Marcela. "Continuing Efforts to Conceal Anti-Semitic Past". IPS-Inter Press Service. 27 April 2005.
  66. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 98. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  67. ↑ Hodges, Donald C. (1976). Argentina 1943-1976: The National Revolution and Resistance. University of New Mexico Press. p. 135. ISBN 0-8263-0422-2.
  68. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 84. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  69. ↑ Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 56. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  70. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 84. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  71. ↑ Greenup, Ruth. Revolution before breakfast: Argentina, 1941-1946. The University of North Carolina Press. p. 198. ISBN 978-0807878644.
  72. ↑ Greenup, Ruth. Revolution before breakfast: Argentina, 1941-1946. The University of North Carolina Press. p. 146. ISBN 978-0807878644.
  73. ↑ Halperin-Donghi, Tulio (1998). "The Peronist Revolution and its Ambiguous Legacy" (PDF). The Institute of Latin American Studies Occasional Papers. University of London (17): 5. ISSN 0953-6825.
  74. ↑ Rock 1993, pp. 177–179
  75. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  76. ↑ Murray, John (1955). "Perón and the Church". An Irish Quarterly Review. Messenger Publications. 44 (175): 257–270.
  77. ↑ G. P. (February 1956). "Church and State in Argentina: Factors in Perón's Downfall". The World Today. Royal Institute of International Affairs. 12 (2): 58–66.
  78. ↑ Rock 1993, pp. 177–179
  79. ↑ Hedges, Jill (2021). Juan Perón: The Life of the People’s Colonel. I.B. Tauris. p. 212. ISBN 978-0-7556-0268-1.
  80. ↑ Copello, David (2020). "Mapping the Argentine New Left: Social Liberation, National Liberation, and Revolutionary Violence, 1969–1977". Latin American Perspectives. 47 (5): 179–198. doi:10.1177/0094582X20939101.
  81. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  82. ↑ Gillespie, Richard (1982). Soldiers of Peron: Argentina's Montoneros. Oxford University Press. pp. 55–57. ISBN 0-19-821131-7.
  83. ↑ Eatwell, Roger (1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies. Continuum International Publishing Group. p. 196. ISBN 978-0-8264-5173-6.
  84. 1 2 Finchelstein, Federico (April 2014). "Peronist Populism and Fascism". The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina. Oxford University Press. pp. 65–92. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199930241.003.0004. ISBN 9780199930241. Retrieved 13 November 2023.
  85. 1 2 Hodges, Donald (1991). Argentina's "Dirty War": An Intellectual Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-292-77689-0.
  86. ↑ James, Daniel (1988). Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. p. 202. ISBN 0-521-46682-2.
  87. ↑ James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. p. 6. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8.
  88. ↑ Borges: A Life. p. 295.
  89. ↑ James, Daniel (1988). Resistance and integration: Peronism and the Argentine working class, 1946-1976. Cambridge University Press. p. 203. ISBN 0-521-46682-2.
  90. ↑ James P. Brennan (1998). Peronism and Argentina. Scholarly Resources Inc. pp. 8–9. ISBN 0-8420-2706-8.
  91. ↑ Bradbury, Pablo (2023). Liberationist Christianity in Argentina (1930-1983). Ingram Publisher Services. pp. 22–23. ISBN 978-1-80010-922-3. ISSN 2633-7061.
  92. ↑ Goebel, Michael (2011). Argentina’s Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History. Liverpool University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-84631-714-9.
  93. ↑ Devoto. pp. 278–281.
  94. ↑ Chaneton. p. 37.
  95. 1 2 3 4 5 Servetto, Alice. "El derrumbe temprano de la democracia en Córdoba: Obregón Cano y el golpe policial (1973–1974)". Archived 6 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine Estudios Sociales. n° 17. Late 1999, revised paper of a 1997 conference at the National University of La Pampa, 19 pages.
  96. ↑ Gaggero, Manuel Justo. "El general en su laberinto". Pagina/12. 19 February 2007.
  97. ↑ Cormier, Bill (29 April 2003). "Peronist rivals face election runoff". The Guardian.
  98. ↑ "CNN.com - Menem quits Argentine presidential race - May. 14, 2003". edition.cnn.com.

Bibliography

  • Tomas Eloy Martinez, El Sueño Argentino' (The Argentine Dream, 1999) and Memorias del General (Memoirs of the General, 1996).
  • Daniel James, Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class, 1946–1979. NY: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
  • Félix Luna, Perón y Su Tiempo, Vol I–III.: Sudamericana, 1990.
  • Media related to Peronismo at Wikimedia Commons
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