Fei Yi
費禕
Statue of Fei Yi in the Zhuge Liang Memorial Temple in Chengdu, Sichuan
General-in-Chief (大將軍)
In office
November or December 243 (November or December 243) – 16 February 253 (16 February 253)
MonarchLiu Shan
Preceded byJiang Wan
Succeeded byJiang Wei
Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing (錄尚書事)
(jointly held with Jiang Wei from 247)
In office
November or December 243 (November or December 243) – 16 February 253 (16 February 253)
MonarchLiu Shan
Preceded byJiang Wan
Succeeded byJiang Wei
Inspector of Yi Province
(益州刺史)
In office
244 (244) – 16 February 253 (16 February 253)
MonarchLiu Shan
Preceded byJiang Wan
Prefect of the Masters of Writing
(尚書令)
In office
May 235 (May 235) – 244 (244)
MonarchLiu Shan
Preceded byJiang Wan
Succeeded byDong Yun
Personal details
BornUnknown
Luoshan County, Henan
Died16 February 253[lower-alpha 1]
Jiange County, Sichuan
Resting placeZhaohua District, Guangyuan, Sichuan
Relations
Children
OccupationDiplomat, military general, politician, regent
Courtesy nameWenwei (文偉)
Posthumous nameMarquis Jing (敬侯)
PeerageMarquis of Cheng District
(成鄉侯)

Fei Yi (died 16 February 253),[lower-alpha 1] courtesy name Wenwei, was a Chinese diplomat, military general, politician, and regent of the state of Shu during the Three Kingdoms period of China.[3] Born in the late Eastern Han dynasty, Fei Yi started his career as an attendant to Liu Shan, the eldest son and heir apparent of Liu Bei, a warlord who became the founding emperor of Shu. After Liu Shan became emperor in 223, Fei Yi gradually rose to prominence under the regency of Zhuge Liang, the Imperial Chancellor of Shu. During this time, he concurrently served as a military adviser under Zhuge Liang and as Shu's ambassador to its ally state Wu. He also played a significant role in the conflict between the Shu general Wei Yan and Zhuge Liang's chief clerk Yang Yi. After Zhuge Liang's death in 234, Fei Yi served as a deputy to the new regent Jiang Wan and progressively assumed greater responsibilities as Jiang Wan gradually relinquished his powers due to poor health. In 244, Fei Yi led Shu forces to victory at the Battle of Xingshi against their rival state Wei and succeeded Jiang Wan as regent of Shu two years later following the latter's death. On the first day of the Chinese New Year in 253, Fei Yi was assassinated by a Wei defector, Guo Xiu.

Early life

Fei Yi was born in Meng County (鄳縣), Jiangxia Commandery (江夏郡), which is located northwest of present-day Luoshan County, Henan,[4] during the late Eastern Han dynasty. His father died when he was still young so he was raised by an older relative Fei Boren (費伯仁), whose aunt was the mother of Liu Zhang,[lower-alpha 2] the Governor of Yi Province (covering present-day Sichuan and Chongqing). When Liu Zhang invited Fei Boren to join him, Fei Yi accompanied Fei Boren as a travelling student and entered Yi Province.[5]

In 214,[6] after the warlord Liu Bei seized control of Yi Province from Liu Zhang and became the new Governor, Fei Yi chose to remain in Yi Province. During this time, he became as equally famous as two other notable scholars: Xu Shulong (許叔龍) from Runan Commandery[lower-alpha 3] and Dong Yun from Nan Commandery.[7]

Behaviour at the funeral of Xu Jing's son

When Xu Jing's son died, Fei Yi and Dong Yun wanted to attend the funeral so Dong Yun asked his father Dong He to help them arrange their transport. After Dong He provided them a small chariot with no rear covering, Dong Yun seemed reluctant to board it while Fei Yi eagerly got on board.[8] When they reached their destination, they saw that Zhuge Liang and other key officials had showed up in well-decorated carriages. As they dismounted the carriage, Dong Yun showed signs of embarrassment while Fei Yi appeared calm and composed.[9]

After they returned, Dong He asked the chariot driver and learnt that Dong Yun and Fei Yi reacted differently when they saw that their transport was of inferior design compared to others'. Dong He then told his son: "I always thought that you and Wenwei are on par with each other. Now I have the answer to my question."[10]

Service under Liu Bei

In 221,[11] after Liu Bei declared himself emperor and established the state of Shu, he designated his eldest son Liu Shan as crown prince and appointed Fei Yi and Dong Yun to serve as the newly anointed heir apparent's close attendants.[12]

Service during Zhuge Liang's regency

When Liu Shan became the Shu emperor in 223 following Liu Bei's death, Zhuge Liang, the Imperial Chancellor, served as regent because Liu Shan was still underage at the time.[13] After his coronation, Liu Shan appointed Fei Yi as a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate (黃門侍郎).[14]

Around the autumn of 225,[13] when Zhuge Liang returned from a military campaign against rebels and the Nanman tribes in southern Shu, Fei Yi and many of his colleagues travelled tens of li out of the capital Chengdu to welcome him back. Most of the officials were around the same age as Fei Yi and their ranks in the Shu government were about the same as his. Among all of them, Zhuge Liang chose only Fei Yi to ride in the same carriage as him for their journey back to Chengdu. The others felt very surprised and they changed their opinions of Fei Yi after this.[15]

As Shu's ambassador to Wu

In 223, Shu reestablished its alliance with its former ally state Wu against their common rival state Wei.[13] After Zhuge Liang returned from his southern campaign in 225,[13] he commissioned Fei Yi as a Colonel of Illustrious Trust (昭信校尉) and sent him as Shu's ambassador to Wu.[16]

During his mission to Wu, Fei Yi kept his cool when the Wu emperor Sun Quan tried to ridicule and poke fun at him. Sun Quan treated Fei Yi to alcoholic drinks, saw that he appeared drunk, and then bombarded him with a series of questions about current affairs. Fei Yi gave an excuse that he was no longer sober and declined to answer immediately. He noted down all the questions, went back and thought through carefully, and came back to Sun Quan later with all the answers without missing out any question.[17] Some Wu officials such as Zhuge Ke and Yang Dao (羊衜), who were known for their oratorical talents, attempted to challenge Fei Yi and pose difficult questions to him. However, Fei Yi managed to respond in a calm and dignified manner, and provide well-reasoned answers to their questions. He held his ground well throughout his mission.[18]

In one instance, a drunk Sun Quan asked Fei Yi: "Yang Yi and Wei Yan behave like immature boys. Even though their contributions are insignificant, they can still cause big trouble because they are in positions of power. If one day Zhuge Liang is no longer around, there will definitely be disaster. All of you are confused. No one has considered the long-term implications of this problem. Isn't that harmful to your descendants?" Fei Yi, stunned by Sun Quan's question, could not respond immediately and started glancing around as he tried to think of an answer. Fei Yi's deputy, Dong Hui, stepped up, looked at Fei Yi and said: "You can say that the conflict between Yang Yi and Wei Yan is a private issue between them. They don't have wild ambitions unlike Ying Bu and Han Xin. As of now, our priority is to eliminate our powerful enemy and reunify the Empire. Only after we have achieved that can we consider our mission accomplished and be able to expand our legacy. If we put our priority aside and focus on preempting internal problems such as this, it would be equivalent to not building a boat at all to avoid getting caught in a storm. That wouldn't be beneficial at all in the longer term." Sun Quan was very amused by Dong Hui's reply.[19]

In another instance, Sun Quan instructed his officials: "When the Shu ambassador arrives, all of you just remain seated, continue eating, and don't stand up to greet him." When Fei Yi arrived, Sun Quan and his officials deliberately ignored his presence and continued feasting. Fei Yi then said: "When a fenghuang shows up, the qilin will stop eating (and acknowledge the fenghuang's presence). Donkeys and mules are ignorant. That's why they continue eating (and ignore the fenghuang)." Zhuge Ke replied: "We planted parasol trees for the fenghuang's arrival. A brambling came along instead. Why don't we scare away the brambling and force it to go back to where it came from?" Fei Yi stopped chewing on the pastry and asked for a brush to compose a rhapsody. Zhuge Ke also did the same. They then exchanged their works and praised each other.[20]

Sun Quan was so impressed with Fei Yi that he told him: "Sir, you are one of the most virtuous men in the Empire. You will definitely become an important pillar of state in Shu. By then, I am afraid you will no longer be able to visit us often."[21] Sun Quan also gave Fei Yi a precious sword, which he used to carry with him all the time, as a parting gift. Fei Yi told him: "I am untalented. What makes me deserve such an honour? A sword is meant to be used against enemies of the state and to put an end to chaos. I hope that you, Great King, will do your best to rule your kingdom and work together (with Shu) to support the Han dynasty. I may be ignorant and weak, but I will never disappoint the hopes you have placed in me."[22]

As a military adviser

Fei Yi was promoted to the position of a Palace Attendant (侍中) after returning from his diplomatic mission to Wu.[23]

In 227,[13] Zhuge Liang mobilised military forces from throughout Shu in preparation for a large-scale campaign against Shu's rival state Wei in the following year. As the troops gathered at the staging area in Hanzhong Commandery, Zhuge Liang summoned Fei Yi from Chengdu and appointed him as an Army Adviser (參軍).[24] In his Chu Shi Biao (literally "memorial on the case to go to war"), Zhuge Liang named Fei Yi, Guo Youzhi and Dong Yun as examples of trustworthy, loyal and competent officials who could provide good advice and assist the emperor Liu Shan in governing Shu more effectively.[25]

Between 227 and 230, Fei Yi alternated between his roles as a military adviser and Shu's ambassador to Wu. Apart from serving as an assistant to Zhuge Liang during the military campaigns against Wei, he was also often sent by the Shu government on diplomatic missions to Wu during this period of time.[26] In 230, he was reassigned to serve as Central Protector of the Army (中護軍) and then as a Major (司馬) in the Shu army.[27]

Role in the conflict between Wei Yan and Yang Yi

Wei Yan, a senior Shu general, was on bad terms with Yang Yi, Zhuge Liang's chief clerk. Wei Yan was known for being boastful, and his colleagues generally gave in to him. Yang Yi was one of the few who made no concession to Wei Yan, so Wei Yan deeply resented him.[28] Zhuge Liang was upset by the lack of harmony between Wei Yan and Yang Yi, but he was unwilling to take sides because he appreciated the talents of both men and needed their help.[29]

When Wei Yan and Yang Yi got into heated quarrels, the former drew his sword and brandished it in front of the latter. Yang Yi sobbed as tears rolled down his cheeks. Fei Yi then stepped in to stop them from fighting and managed to keep them under control while Zhuge Liang was still alive.[30]

Battle of Wuzhang Plains

In 234, Zhuge Liang became critically ill during a stalemate at the Battle of Wuzhang Plains against Wei forces.[31] During this time, when Li Fu asked Zhuge Liang who could succeed him as the head of the Shu government, Zhuge Liang replied that Jiang Wan could succeed him and that Fei Yi could succeed Jiang Wan. After Li Fu left,[32] Zhuge Liang secretly instructed Yang Yi, Fei Yi and Jiang Wei to lead the army back to Shu after his death, with Wei Yan and Jiang Wei in charge of the rearguard. If Wei Yan refused to follow orders, they were to retreat without him. After Zhuge Liang died, Yang Yi ordered news of his death to be kept secret, and then instructed Fei Yi to meet Wei Yan and assess his intentions.[33]

When Wei Yan refused to follow Zhuge Liang's final orders and submit to Yang Yi's command,[34] Fei Yi pretended to help Wei Yan make new arrangements for part of the Shu army to remain behind and continue with the campaign, while the rest would return to Shu. Fei Yi then wrote a letter about the new arrangements, got both of them to sign it, and told Wei Yan that he would read out the letter to all the officers later. He also told Wei Yan: "I will go back and explain your point of view to Chief Clerk Yang. The Chief Clerk is a civil official who knows little about military affairs. He will definitely not oppose the new arrangements."[35]

Fei Yi then left Wei Yan and sped back to the main camp. Wei Yan soon regretted his decision and tried to stop Fei Yi but could not catch up with him in time. After sending his subordinate to find out the situation in the main camp, he was shocked to learn that Fei Yi had lied to him because all the Shu units were preparing to retreat in accordance with Zhuge Liang's final orders. Wei Yan turned furious as he wanted to continue the battle, so he tried to stop the Shu army from retreating by leading his own unit to destroy the gallery roads leading back to Shu.[36]

Wei Yan and Yang Yi separately wrote to the Shu government to accuse each other of treason; the Shu government believed Yang Yi's account and suspected that Wei Yan was plotting a rebellion. Wei Yan eventually met his end at the hands of the Shu general Ma Dai, and the conflict came to an end.[31]

Reporting Yang Yi

After returning to Chengdu, Yang Yi thought that he had made great contributions so he strongly believed that he would be chosen to succeed Zhuge Liang as the new head of the Shu government. However, he felt deeply disappointed when it turned out that Zhuge Liang had picked Jiang Wan instead. Jiang Wan was appointed as the Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令), while Yang Yi became a Central Military Adviser (中軍師) – an appointment with no real power.[37]

Yang Yi had all along viewed himself highly and saw himself as superior to Jiang Wan because he started serving in Shu earlier than the latter. After Jiang Wan became the new head of the Shu government, Yang Yi frequently grumbled and complained to express his dissatisfaction. His colleagues ignored him due to his poor choice of words in conveying his frustration. Fei Yi was the only one who comforted him.[38]

Yang Yi once told Fei Yi: "When the Imperial Chancellor died, I should have brought along my men and defected to Wei if I knew I'd end up in this situation today! I deeply regret but there's nothing I can do now." Fei Yi secretly reported Yang Yi to the Shu government. As a result, in 235 Yang Yi was demoted to the status of a commoner and exiled to Hanjia Commandery (漢嘉郡; around present-day Lushan County, Sichuan), where he committed suicide later. However, Yang's family could return to Shu.[39]

Service during Jiang Wan's regency

As Prefect of the Masters of Writing

Fei Yi rose to the position of Rear Military Adviser (後軍師) following Zhuge Liang's death in 234.[31] He soon succeeded Jiang Wan as Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令) in May 235.[40][41]

At the time, as Shu was in a state of war, Fei Yi had numerous issues to attend to on a daily basis given his role as Prefect of the Masters of Writing. However, he was known for his exceptionally high level of intellect, fast speed of processing information, and excellent memory. He could grasp all the key points in a document and remember them after skimming through the document only once. Therefore, on a typical day at work, he usually completed all his tasks in the morning and spent the afternoon meeting people and engaging in leisure activities. He was particularly skilful at playing weiqi. Despite his indulgences in fun and entertainment, he never neglected his work and duties.[42]

As General-in-Chief and Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing

In late October or November 243, Jiang Wan moved from Hanzhong Commandery to Fu County (涪縣; present-day Mianyang, Sichuan) due to poor health. In late November or December that year, Jiang Wan relinquished his positions as General-in-Chief (大將軍) and Manager of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing (錄尚書事) to Fei Yi,[43][44] thus making Fei Yi the de facto head of the Shu government.

In 244, Dong Yun succeeded Fei Yi as Prefect of the Masters of Writing (尚書令)[44] and attempted to follow Fei Yi's daily schedule and lifestyle when he held that appointment. However, within ten days, Dong Yun quickly realised that his work was gradually piling up. He sighed: "The ability of a talented person can be so significantly different from that of another. I think I can never catch up (with Fei Yi). Despite working all day long, I still have many things that I haven't attended to yet."[45]

Battle of Xingshi

In early 244, the Wei regent Cao Shuang led an army to Mount Xingshi (興勢山; located north of present-day Yang County, Shaanxi) and prepared to attack the Shu-controlled Hanzhong Commandery. In late April or May, the Shu emperor Liu Shan granted Fei Yi acting imperial authority and ordered him to lead the Shu army into battle against the invaders.[46][44]

Before Fei Yi departed, the Shu official Lai Min visited him and asked to play a game of weiqi with him. At the time, all the preparations for battle had been made and the troops were ready to march off. While documents attached with feathers[lower-alpha 4] kept coming in, Fei Yi continued playing with Lai Min and seemed deeply engrossed in the game. Lai Min told him: "I was actually testing you! You are a trustworthy person and you will definitely be able to defeat the enemy."[48]

By June 244, the Wei army had become stuck in a perilous situation as they could not advance beyond Mount Xingshi and their supplies were running low. Sensing that defeat was imminent, Cao Shuang's adviser Yang Wei (楊偉) tried to persuade his superior to pull back the Wei army before it was too late. However, Cao Shuang listened to Deng Yang and Li Sheng instead and ordered his troops to hold their positions. After Cao Shuang's co-regent Sima Yi wrote to Cao Shuang's deputy Xiahou Xuan and warned him of the danger they were in, Xiahou Xuan became fearful and managed to convince Cao Shuang to retreat. In late June or July, while the Wei army was retreating, Fei Yi led the Shu forces to launch a three-pronged attack and inflicted a devastating defeat on the enemy with Cao Shuang barely escaping alive.[44]

As the Inspector of Yi Province

After Fei Yi returned to Chengdu from his victory at Mount Xingshi, he was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Cheng District (成鄉侯) as a reward for his achievement.[49]

Towards the end of 244, as Jiang Wan's health deteriorated, he stepped down from his gubernatorial appointment as the Inspector of Yi Province (益州刺史) and passed it on to Fei Yi.[50][44]

Fei Yi's regency

Following Jiang Wan's death in November or December 246,[51] Fei Yi became the new regent and head of the Shu government. By the time he came to power, his contributions to Shu and personal fame were on par with his predecessor.[52]

In 248, Fei Yi moved from the Shu capital Chengdu to Hanzhong Commandery near the Wei–Shu border.[53] Throughout their regencies, Jiang Wan and Fei Yi still maintained control over state affairs in Chengdu even though they were away in Hanzhong for extended periods of time. For example, the Shu emperor Liu Shan had to consult them and gain their approval before giving out rewards and punishments to officials. Such was Liu Shan's high levels of trust in and reliance on these two regents during his reign.[54]

In the summer of 251, when Fei Yi returned to Chengdu, he heard from fortune-tellers that it was inauspicious for him to remain in the capital, so in winter he moved out of Chengdu to Hanshou County (漢壽縣; northeast of present-day Jiange County, Sichuan).[55][56]

In 252, Liu Shan granted Fei Yi permission to have a personal staff to assist him in running the day-to-day affairs.[57]

Assassination

On 16 February 253, while hosting a party on the first day of the Chinese New Year in Hanshou County (漢壽縣; northeast of present-day Jiange County, Sichuan), a drunk Fei Yi was stabbed and killed by Guo Xiu (郭脩; a.k.a. Guo Xun 郭循), a former Wei civilian who became a general in Shu. The assassin also met his end at the hands of Fei Yi's subordinates. He was honoured with the posthumous title "Marquis Jing" (敬侯; literally "respectful marquis")[lower-alpha 1] and buried at a location about 1 kilometre east from the eastern gate of the present-day Zhaohua Ancient City in Zhaohua District, Guangyuan, Sichuan.[58]

Guo Xiu, whose courtesy name was Xiaoxian (孝先), was quite well known in Liang Province before he joined Shu. After he was captured in battle by the Shu general Jiang Wei, he reluctantly surrendered and pledged allegiance to Shu. The Shu emperor Liu Shan appointed him as General of the Left (左將軍). Guo Xiu once attempted to assassinate Liu Shan under the pretext of congratulating the emperor. However, Liu Shan's bodyguards noticed something suspicious about his behaviour and stopped him before he could get close to the emperor. Frustrated at his failure to assassinate the Shu emperor, Guo Xiu switched his target to the regent Fei Yi instead and succeeded.[59] In September or October 253, the Wei emperor Cao Fang issued an imperial decree to praise Guo Xiu for his "heroic service to Wei" and compare him to Nie Zheng and Jie Zhitui, as well as to confer posthumous honours on him and grant rewards to his family.[60]

The fifth-century historian Pei Songzhi rebutted Cao Fang's imperial decree and argued that Guo Xiu was not a hero and his assassination of Fei Yi was not "in the service of Wei". He pointed out three reasons. First, Guo Xiu was a civilian when he was captured by the enemy so he was not exactly "serving" Wei and hence his assassination of Fei Yi should not be considered an action "in the service of Wei". Second, Wei was not threatened by Shu in the same way Yan was threatened by Qin during the late Warring States period, therefore Guo Xiu's assassination of Fei Yi should not be seen in the same light as Jing Ke's assassination attempt on the King of Qin. Third, from Pei Songzhi's point of view, Liu Shan and Fei Yi were respectively a ruler and a regent of average calibre, so their deaths would not deal significant damage to Shu. Pei Songzhi thus concluded that Guo Xiu was simply an opportunist seeking to become (in)famous by assassinating the regent of a state.[61]

Argument about the conflict between Sima Yi and Cao Shuang

Following Sima Yi's execution of Cao Shuang, Fei Yi defended his position on the matter in a rhetoric manner. First, he offered the common view about the affair, followed by his counter argument of the event along with his judgement on who was morally in the right and in the wrong.[62]

“Let's say that someone believes that Cao Shuang, along with his brothers, were of the mediocre and common sort. That their positions, privilege and benefits were only due to their relation to the Imperial Clan. Moreover, with time they became excessive and arrogant, would usurp royal prerogatives, had close ties with vile persons, monopolize power by establishing those of their clique and plotted against the interest of the State. Then, Sima Yi took a risk to punish them and in one strike, they were exterminated. That this act is proof enough that he was worthy of his appointment and realized the desire of the scholars and commoners alike."[63]

“However, someone else may believe that Sima Yi resented Cao Rui for not entrusting all of the State's affairs to him solely. Therefore, Cao Shuang and his actions were irrelevant to Sima's decision. Since the management of the State was already divided, as time passed, this arrangement became even more flawed. From the start, Sima did not give honest counsel and loyal admonishment. Rather, he used the opportunity to have all of them slaughtered at once when they were unprepared. In that case, how could it be considered as a great man acting in consideration of the State or doing his duty? If indeed Cao Shuang really wanted to act against his ruler and had desire to rebel, then on the day Sima Yi acted, Cao Fang was left alone and vulnerable with Cao Shuang and his brothers. However, Sima Yi with his son Sima Shi from the rear, closed the city gates and raised troops, putting Cao Fang in danger and proclaiming there would be no peace talk. Can we consider a person acting as such a loyal minister with the intention of saving his lord? If we follow this view then the fact that Cao Shuang did not commit a great fault should be obvious. Now if Sima Yi acted because Cao Shuang usurped power and was extravagant, then a fair punishment would have been to remove him from office. However, Sima Yi exterminated all of Cao Shuang's clan and this was an injustice, ending Cao Zhen's bloodline. Even He Yan along with his son who were relatives of the Wei imperial line were also executed. This was an usurpation of power and Sima Yi's actions were excessive and improper."[64]

Family

Fei Yi had at least two sons and one daughter. His first son, Fei Cheng (費承), inherited his peerage as the Marquis of Cheng District (成鄉侯) and served as a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate (黃門侍郎) in the Shu imperial palace.[65] Fei Yi's second son, Fei Gong (費恭), married a Shu princess (probably one of Liu Shan's daughters), had quite a huge reputation, and served as an official in Shu's imperial secretariat. However, he died at a relatively young age but must have lived at least until April 268 since Luo Xian recommended him during a feast to Sima Yan as a talented individual.[66][67] Fei Yi's daughter married Liu Xuan, the eldest son and heir apparent of Liu Shan.[68]

Appraisal

Chen Shou, the third-century historian who wrote Fei Yi's biography in the Sanguozhi, praised Fei Yi for being compassionate, generous and charitable towards others. He gave credit to Fei Yi and Jiang Wan for following in Zhuge Liang's footsteps and pointed out that in doing so they managed to secure Shu's borders and maintain peace and harmony within Shu. However, he also criticised them for not putting in their best to govern a small state like Shu and keeping it safe.[69]

The fifth-century historian Pei Songzhi, who annotated the Sanguozhi, disagreed with Chen Shou's point of view. He argued that Fei Yi and Jiang Wan did well during their regencies when they refrained from making risky moves that could jeopardise Shu's future and when they successfully countered a Wei invasion and maintained peace within Shu's borders. He also pointed out that readers may find Chen Shou's concluding remarks confusing because Chen Shou did not provide any evidence to support his claim that Fei Yi and Jiang Wan did not put in their best to govern Shu and keep it safe.[70]

Despite being in a position of power and prestige, Fei Yi remained humble and always showed respect towards others. He had no excess wealth for himself and his family. His sons lived like commoners as they wore clothes of plain design, had simple meals, travelled on foot, and had no escorts to accompany them when they travelled.[71]

The Shu general Zhang Ni had noted that Fei Yi tended to be too good-natured and overly trusting of the people around him. He once warned Fei Yi: "In the past, Cen Peng commanded troops and Lai Xi wielded the staff of imperial authority; both of them were assassinated. In the present-day, you, General, occupy a position of great importance and power so you should learn from these historical examples and be more vigilant." As Zhang Ni foresaw, Fei Yi indeed met his end at the hands of the assassin Guo Xiu.[72]

The fourth-century historian Yu Xi commented in his Zhilin (志林) that it was a tragic irony that Fei Yi's positive attributes brought about his downfall: Fei Yi, being too open and generous, lowered his guard against people around him and failed to save himself from Guo Xiu, a defector from a rival state.[73]

Chang Qu, who wrote extensively about the history of the Sichuan region in the Chronicles of Huayang (Huayang Guo Zhi), praised Jiang Wan and Fei Yi for perpetuating Zhuge Liang's principles. Furthermore, for keeping the land of Shu Han safe while they were encircled by two bigger states rendering the weak as strong.[74] He also recorded that the people of Shu named Zhuge Liang, Jiang Wan, Fei Yi and Dong Yun as the four heroic chancellors of their state.[75]

See also

Notes

  1. 1 2 3 Fei Yi's biography in the Sanguozhi recorded that he was assassinated on the 1st day of the 1st month of the 16th year of the Yanxi era of Liu Shan's reign.[1] This date corresponds to 16 February 253 in the Gregorian calendar. Liu Shan's biography in Sanguozhi only mentioned that the assassination took place in that month, without indicating the specific date.[2]
  2. ↑ Fei Guan, another member of the Fei (費) clan with the same family ties as Fei Boren is mentioned in the Ji Han Fuchen Zan (季漢輔臣贊; pub. 241), a collection of praises of notable persons who served in the Shu Han state.
  3. ↑ Xu Shulong (許叔龍) was probably from the Xu clan of Runan (汝南許氏), whose members included Xu Jing and Xu Shao.
  4. ↑ In ancient China, feathers were often attached to urgent military documents to emphasise the urgency of the situation.[47]

References

  1. ↑ ([延熙]十六年歲首大會，魏降人郭循在坐。禕歡飲沈醉，為循手刃所害，謚曰敬侯。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  2. ↑ ([延熙]十六年春正月，大將軍費禕為魏降人郭循所殺于漢壽。) Sanguozhi vol. 33.
  3. ↑ de Crespigny (2007), p. 212.
  4. ↑ (費禕字文偉，江夏鄳人也。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  5. ↑ (少孤，依族父伯仁。伯仁姑，益州牧劉璋之母也。璋遣使迎仁，仁將禕遊學入蜀。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  6. ↑ Sima (1084), vol. 67.
  7. ↑ (會先主定蜀，禕遂留益土，與汝南許叔龍、南郡董允齊名。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  8. ↑ (時許靖喪子，允與禕欲共會其葬所。允白父和請車，和遣開後鹿車給之。允有難載之色，禕便從前先上。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  9. ↑ (及至喪所，諸葛亮及諸貴人悉集，車乘甚鮮，允猶神色未泰，而禕晏然自若。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  10. ↑ (持車人還，和問之，知其如此，乃謂允曰：「吾常疑汝於文偉優劣未別也，而今而後，吾意了矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  11. ↑ Sima (1084), vol. 69.
  12. ↑ (先主立太子，禕與允俱為舍人，遷庶子。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 Sima (1084), vol. 70.
  14. ↑ (後主踐位，為黃門侍郎。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  15. ↑ (丞相亮南征還，羣寮於數十里逢迎，年位多在禕右，而亮特命禕同載，由是衆人莫不易觀。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  16. ↑ (亮以初從南歸，以禕為昭信校尉使吳。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  17. ↑ (禕別傳曰：孫權每別酌好酒以飲禕，視其已醉，然後問以國事，并論當世之務，辭難累至。禕輙辭以醉，退而撰次所問，事事條荅，無所遺失。) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  18. ↑ (孫權性旣滑稽，嘲啁無方，諸葛恪、羊衜等才愽果辯，論難鋒至，禕辭順義篤，據理以荅，終不能屈。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  19. ↑ (襄陽記曰：董恢字休緒， ... 以宣信中郎副費禕使吳。孫權甞大醉問禕曰：「楊儀、魏延，牧豎小人也。雖甞有鳴吠之益於時務，然旣已任之，勢不得輕，若一朝無諸葛亮，必為禍亂矣。諸君憒憒，曾不知防慮於此，豈所謂貽厥孫謀乎？」禕愕然四顧視，不能即荅。恢目禕曰：「可速言儀、延之不協起於私忿耳，而無黥、韓難御之心也。今方歸除彊賊，混一函夏，功以才成，業由才廣，若捨此不任，防其後患，是猶備有風波而逆廢舟檝，非長計也。」權大笑樂。) Xiangyang Qijiu Ji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 39.
  20. ↑ (恪別傳曰：權甞饗蜀使費禕，先逆勑羣臣：「使至，伏食勿起。」禕至，權為輟食，而羣下不起。禕啁之曰：「鳳皇來翔，騏驎吐哺，驢騾無知，伏食如故。」恪荅曰：「爰植梧桐，以待鳳皇，有何燕雀，自稱來翔？何不彈射，使還故鄉！」禕停食餅，索筆作麥賦，恪亦請筆作磨賦，咸稱善焉。) Zhuge Ke Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 64.
  21. ↑ (權甚器之，謂禕曰：「君天下淑德，必當股肱蜀朝，恐不能數來也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  22. ↑ (禕別傳曰：權乃以手中常所執寶刀贈之，禕荅曰：「臣以不才，何以堪明命？然刀所以討不庭、禁暴亂者也，但願大王勉建功業，同獎漢室，臣雖闇弱，終不負東顧。」) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  23. ↑ (還，遷為侍中。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  24. ↑ (亮北住漢中，請禕為參軍。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  25. ↑ (上疏曰：「侍中郭攸之、費禕、侍郎董允等，先帝簡拔以遺陛下，至於斟酌規益，進盡忠言，則其任也。愚以為宮中之事，事無大小，悉以咨之，必能裨補闕漏，有所廣益。若無興德之言，則戮允等以彰其慢。」) Sanguozhi vol. 39.
  26. ↑ (以奉使稱旨，頻煩至吳。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  27. ↑ (建興八年，轉為中護軍，後又為司馬。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  28. ↑ (延旣善養士卒，勇猛過人，又性矜高，當時皆避下之。唯楊儀不假借延，延以為至忿，有如水火。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  29. ↑ (亮深惜儀之才幹，憑魏延之驍勇，常恨二人之不平，不忍有所偏廢也。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  30. ↑ (值軍師魏延與長史楊儀相憎惡，每至並坐爭論，延或舉刃擬儀，儀泣涕橫集。禕常入其坐間，諫喻分別，終亮之世，各盡延、儀之用者，禕匡救之力也。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  31. 1 2 3 Sima (1084), vol. 72.
  32. ↑ ([李]福謝：「前實失不諮請公，如公百年後，誰可任大事者？故輒還耳。乞復請，蔣琬之後，誰可任者？」亮曰：「文偉可以繼之。」又復問其次，亮不荅。福還，奉使稱旨。) Yi Bu Qijiu Zaji annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 45.
  33. ↑ (秋，亮病困，密與長史楊儀、司馬費禕、護軍姜維等作身歿之後退軍節度，令延斷後，姜維次之；若延或不從命，軍便自發。亮適卒，祕不發喪，儀令禕往揣延意指。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  34. ↑ (延曰：「丞相雖亡，吾自見在。府親官屬便可將喪還葬，吾自當率諸軍擊賊，云何以一人死廢天下之事邪？且魏延何人，當為楊儀所部勒，作斷後將乎！」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  35. ↑ (因與禕共作行留部分，令禕手書與己連名，告下諸將。禕紿延曰：「當為君還解楊長史，長史文吏，稀更軍事，必不違命也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  36. ↑ (禕出門馳馬而去，延尋悔，追之已不及矣。延遣人覘儀等，遂使欲案亮成規，諸營相次引軍還。延大怒，纔儀未發，率所領徑先南歸，所過燒絕閣道。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  37. ↑ (儀旣領軍還，又誅討延，自以為功勳至大，宜當代亮秉政， ... 而亮平生宓指，以儀性狷狹，意在蔣琬，琬遂為尚書令、益州刺史。儀至，拜為中軍師，無所統領，從容而已。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  38. ↑ (初，儀為先主尚書，琬為尚書郎，後雖俱為丞相參軍長史，儀每從行，當其勞劇，自為年宦先琬，才能踰之，於是怨憤形于聲色，歎咤之音發於五內。時人畏其言語不節，莫敢從也，惟後軍師費禕往慰省之。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  39. ↑ (儀對禕恨望，前後云云，又語禕曰：「往者丞相亡沒之際，吾若舉軍以就魏氏，處世寧當落度如此邪！令人追悔不可復及。」禕密表其言。[建興]十三年，廢儀為民，徙漢嘉郡。 ... 儀自殺，其妻子還蜀。) Sanguozhi vol. 40.
  40. ↑ (亮卒，禕為後軍師。頃之，代蔣琬為尚書令。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  41. ↑ Sima (1084), vol. 73.
  42. ↑ (禕別傳曰：于時戰國多事，公務煩猥，禕識悟過人，每省讀書記，舉目暫視，已究其意旨，其速數倍於人，終亦不忘。常以朝晡聽事，其間接納賔客，飲食嬉戲，加之博弈，每盡人之歡，事亦不廢。) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  43. ↑ (琬自漢中還涪，禕遷大將軍，錄尚書事。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  44. 1 2 3 4 5 Sima (1084), vol. 74.
  45. ↑ (董允代禕為尚書令，欲斆禕之所行，旬日之中，事多愆滯。允乃歎曰：「人才力相縣若此甚遠，此非吾之所及也。聽事終日，猶有不暇爾。」) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  46. ↑ (延熈七年，魏軍次于興勢，假禕節，率衆往禦之。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  47. ↑ (in Chinese) Dictionary definition of 羽檄
  48. ↑ (光祿大夫來敏至禕許別，求共圍棊。于時羽檄交馳。人馬擐甲，嚴駕已訖，禕與敏留意對戲，色無厭倦。敏曰：「向聊觀試君耳！君信可人，必能辨賊者也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  49. ↑ (禕至，敵遂退，封成鄉侯。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  50. ↑ (琬固讓州職，禕復領益州刺史。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  51. ↑ ([延熙九年]冬十一月，大司馬蔣琬卒。) Sanguozhi vol. 33.
  52. ↑ (禕當國功名，略與琬比。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  53. ↑ ([延熙]十一年，出住漢中。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  54. ↑ (自琬及禕，雖自身在外，慶賞威刑，皆遙先諮斷，然後乃行，其推任如此。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  55. ↑ (後[延熙]十四年夏，還成都，成都望氣者云都邑無宰相位，故冬復北屯漢壽。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  56. ↑ ([延熙]十四年夏，大將軍費禕還成都。冬，復北駐漢壽。) Sanguozhi vol. 33.
  57. ↑ (延熙十五年，命禕開府。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  58. ↑ "Fei Yi Tomb". meet99.com (in Chinese). Retrieved 31 May 2018.
  59. ↑ (魏氏春秋曰：脩字孝先，素有業行，著名西州。姜維劫之，脩不為屈。劉禪以為左將軍，脩欲刺禪而不得親近，每因慶賀，且拜且前，為禪左右所遏，事輙不克，故殺禕焉。) Wei Shi Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  60. ↑ ([嘉平五年]八月，詔曰：「故中郎西平郭脩，砥節厲行，秉心不回。乃者蜀將姜維寇鈔脩郡，為所執略。往歲偽大將軍費禕驅率羣衆，陰圖闚𨵦，道經漢壽，請會衆賔，脩於廣坐之中手刃擊禕，勇過聶政，功逾介子，可謂殺身成仁，釋生取義者矣。夫追加襃寵，所以表揚忠義；祚及後胤，所以獎勸將來。其追封脩為長樂鄉侯，食邑千戶，謚曰威侯；子襲爵，加拜奉車都尉；賜銀千鉼，絹千匹，以光寵存亡，永垂來世焉。」) Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  61. ↑ (臣松之以為古之舍生取義者，必有理存焉，或感恩懷德，投命無悔，或利害有機，奮發以應會，詔所稱聶政、介子是也。事非斯類，則陷乎妄作矣。魏之與蜀，雖為敵國，非有趙襄滅智之仇，燕丹危亡之急；且劉禪凡下之主，費禕中才之相，二人存亡，固無關於興喪。郭脩在魏，西州之男子耳，始獲於蜀，旣不能抗節不辱，於魏又無食祿之責，不為時主所使，而無故規規然糜身於非所，義無所加，功無所立，可謂「折柳樊圃」，其狂也且，此之謂也。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  62. ↑ (殷基通語曰：司馬懿誅曹爽，禕設甲乙論平其是非。) Tongyu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  63. ↑ (甲以為曹爽兄弟凡品庸人，苟以宗子枝屬，得蒙顧命之任，而驕奢僭逸，交非其人，私樹朋黨，謀以亂國。懿奮誅討，一朝殄盡，此所以稱其任，副士民之望也。) Tongyu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  64. ↑ (乙以為懿感曹仲付己不一，豈爽與相干？事勢不專，以此陰成疵瑕。初無忠告侃爾之訓，一朝屠戮，讒其不意，豈大人經國篤本之事乎！若爽信有謀主之心，大逆已搆，而發兵之日，更以芳委爽兄弟。懿父子從後閉門舉兵，蹙而向芳，必無悉寧，忠臣為君深慮之謂乎？以此推之，爽無大惡明矣。若懿以爽奢僭，廢之刑之可也，滅其尺口，被以不義，絕子丹血食，及何晏子魏之親甥，亦與同戮，為僭濫不當矣。) Tongyu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  65. ↑ (子承嗣，為黃門侍郎。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  66. ↑ (承弟恭，尚公主。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  67. ↑ (禕別傳曰：恭為尚書郎，顯名當世，早卒。) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  68. ↑ (禕長女配太子璿為妃。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  69. ↑ (評曰：蔣琬方整有威重，費禕寬濟而博愛，咸承諸葛之成規，因循而不革，是以邊境無虞，邦家和一，然猶未盡治小之宜，居靜之理也。) Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  70. ↑ (臣松之以為蔣、費為相，克遵畫一，未甞徇功妄動，有所虧喪，外郤駱谷之師，內保寧緝之實，治小之宜，居靜之理，何以過於此哉！今譏其未盡而不著其事，故使覽者不知所謂也。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  71. ↑ (禕別傳曰：禕雅性謙素，家不積財。兒子皆令布衣素食，出入不從車騎，無異凡人。) Fei Yi Biezhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 44.
  72. ↑ ([張]嶷初見費禕為大將軍，恣性汎愛，待信新附太過，嶷書戒之曰：「昔岑彭率師，來歙杖節，咸見害於刺客，今明將軍位尊權重，宜鑒前事，少以為警。」後禕果為魏降人郭脩所害。) Sanguozhi vol. 43.
  73. ↑ (斯乃性之寬簡，不防細微，卒為降人郭脩所害，豈非兆見於彼而禍成於此哉？) Zhilin annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 64.
  74. ↑ (爰迄琬、禕，遵脩弗革，攝乎大國之間，以弱為強，猶可自保。) Huayang Guo Zhi vol. 7.
  75. ↑ (華陽國志曰：時蜀人以諸葛亮、蔣琬、費禕及允為四相，一號四英也。) Huayang Guo Zhi annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 39.
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