Member of the Central Government Board

During the night of February 27, 1844, Puello showed a firmness of character consistent with the responsibility he had under his charge. He deployed the device to occupy the strategic points of the city, especially the port and the bastions of the walls. This guaranteed communication with the opposite bank of the river, crucial to allow the arrival of reinforcements from Los Llanos and El Seibo, on which expectations were placed to ensure the capitulation of the reduced Haitian garrison. A problem that Puello had to solve was the resistance of the African Battalion, made up of former slaves from Monte Grande, led by Commander Esteban Pou, whose troops feared that the independent State would reestablish slavery. That battalion prevented movement between Santo Domingo and the east, so Puello ordered that Pou be informed that "if he does not enter at the moment with his battalion, I will make him enter with two pieces of artillery." The order was led by his brother Eusebio, who managed to get the former slaves to abandon their rebellion and place themselves under the orders of the Republic. When the battalion leaders, Commander Pou and Captain Santiago Basora, made their presentation in the city with many of their men, Puello explained to them that the Dominican Republic guaranteed their freedom, as a pledge of which he put his personal origin.^[6]

During the first months of independent life, Puello's actions were discreet, understanding that, as a soldier, it was not his place to interfere in political affairs. He limited himself to reinforcing the city's defensive capacity and trying to support the activities of the Southern Front, commanded by Santana. Despite this reserved attitude, he was a supporter of the radical democratic approaches of Juan Pablo Duarte, which gained him greater popularity. To consolidate the positions favorable to absolute independence, Puello selected his troops among blacks and mulattoes, who could not help but view the behavior of the conservatives with hostility. The importance of Puello as a key figure who supported Duarte's positions is observed in a manifesto signed by members of the troops of the capital city, which requested that Duarte, Sánchez and Mella be promoted to the rank of division generals, and that Puello was conferred the rank of brigadier general. The Central Government Board rejected the first request, but had to accept Puello's promotion.^[7]

Dissolution of the Board

As the citizens of Santo Domingo were proclaiming Juan Pablo Duarte as the president of the new nation, Pedro Santana launched a counterattack against the Board.

At the end of May, conflicts between Trinitarian liberals and French conservatives precipitated, when the latter openly attempted to impose the Levasseur Plan, which stipulated the French protectorate. Tomás Bobadilla, in his capacity as president of the Board, gave a speech before the authorities and prestigious figures of the capital, which tried to make the protectionist concept official. Duarte immediately raised his voice reproaching these unpatriotic proposals, a prelude to a chain of conflicts that culminated on June 9 with the deposition of the conservative majority of the Junta due to a popular movement whose main instigator was Puello.That day the Central Government Board was reorganized. Francisco del Rosario Sánchez was placed in his presidency and Juan Isidro Pérez and Pedro Alejandro Pina, faithful companions of Duarte, were incorporated. The latter was sent to Cibao, in order to obtain support for the new government. Meanwhile, Pedro Santana, leader of the largest troop, remained on standby and the country was on the brink of civil war. In the confrontation with the conservatives, Puello showed belligerent positions, in defense of Duarte's ideas. He surrounded himself with a “praetorian guard” made up of members of the African Battalion. The French consul Eustache Juchereau of Saint Denys disliked him, considering that his intransigence was the basic obstacle to the adoption of the Levasseur Plan. The Consul helped spread the idea that Puello was a dictator whose purpose was to eliminate the influence of the whites.^[8]

The correlation of forces in favor of the Trinitarios began to fade when Santana refused to hand over command to Colonel Esteban Roca, appointed by the Junta to prepare the ground for Sánchez, designated head of the Southern Front. Confusion spread in Santo Domingo when there was news that Duarte had been proclaimed president of the Republic in Santiago. There were differences between Duarte and Sánchez, since the latter was in favor of reaching some form of agreement with the conservatives. Now, what put things in a critical state was the belligerence of Santana, proclaimed supreme leader of the country on July 3 by the officers of the Southern Front. Days later, the Seibano hatero marched towards San Cristóbal with the purpose of entering Santo Domingo in an apparent conciliatory plan. Apparently, Sánchez, despite his moderate position, tried to oppose the entry of Santana and the prevailing opinion against the civil war. But Santana's skill achieved the desired effect: by announcing that he was not coming in the spirit of war, he calmed the spirits of many who thought of a friendly understanding. The two figures who had the greatest impact on this position were Manuel Jiménes, head of the province of Santo Domingo, and Joaquín Puello, military chief of the city, the two military commanders that the Trinitarios had counted on on February 27. Particularly decisive in the outcome of the conflict was the fact that Puello, who held the strings of military control of the city, decided not to offer armed resistance to Santana.^[9]

There is no testimony about the reasons that led Puello to this decision, but it is not safe to assume that he obeyed the conviction that the civil war would be fatal and would open the way to the return of Haitian rule. It is possible that he received guarantees that the return of the conservatives to the leadership of the Board would not entail ignorance of the social and political regulations favorable to the majority sectors of color.^[9]

On July 21, Santana entered the city at the head of the troop, well received by Jiménes and Puello. He acted with caution, in order to avoid bloodshed, and the next day he was proclaimed supreme head of the country, after which he reorganized the Central Government Board, awarding himself its presidency. In the first reform of the Board, Sánchez was appointed as a member, but when Santana realized that there would be no serious opposition to the countercoup, he decided to expel the Trinitarios who had shown belligerent attitudes.^[10]

While Sánchez, Juan Isidro Pérez and Pedro Alejandrino Pina, among others, were imprisoned, Manuel Jiménes and Joaquín Puello were confirmed in their positions. In a matter of hours there must have been a separation between those who decided to accept Santana's preponderance and those who were not willing to bow to it. Santana decided to operate tactfully in such circumstances, aware that he lacked much strength and, therefore, it was in his best interest to attract the greatest number of supporters. It was crucial for him, to establish his authority, to neutralize the bulk of the people who had supported Duarte's positions. In this way, the arrest and subsequent deportation of Duarte and his most conspicuous companions had as a counterpart the integration into the new government of the greatest possible number of former Trinitarios who, like Puello, had distinguished themselves for their radical positions but decided to depose them for the sake of the unity of the country.^[11]

The fact that Puello turned his back on Duarte and was the architect of Santana's victory without bloodshed does not mean that he abandoned the essence of his political positions. For tactical reasons, the dictator decided not to make his annexationist position known, and shortly after becoming president it was learned that the French government had decided to disassociate itself from the maneuvers deployed by its consul in Haiti, preferring for the moment not to interfere in the internal affairs of the Dominican Republic. In the following years no power showed interest in annexing the Dominican Republic or placing it under its protection. In such a context, there was no conflict between Santana and Puello. The former was interested in keeping the latter at his service as a means of leaving the impression that he represented all sectors. It was also convenient for Santana to keep Puello as a means of weakening other conservatives who did not accept his dictatorial prerogatives. Santana had not achieved absolute authority, so he was forced to maneuver between people and factions.^[11]

Clashes with the conservatives

As part of this scheme, the secret confrontation between Puello, an intransigent defender of absolute independence, and a clique of conservatives, led by the main ministers, some of whom did not hide their annexationist faith, was evident. Although it was no longer discussed explicitly in that sense, for many of them Puello was still the representative of black people. They raised a question of “race” that did not exist, since they were the only ones who advocated an exclusivist policy, according to which dominance should be reserved for whites.^[12] Puello questioned this orientation in ethnic-social matters, thereby ratifying the substance of the convictions that had led him to accept independence, to show solidarity with Duarte and, finally, to join the Santana regime as a lesser evil in those circumstances. Puello continued to be an idol among the poor people of color, and for him absolute independence was identified with the interests of that social sector. But he did not aspire to the elimination of whites, but rather to guarantee equal rights among all Dominicans, regardless of skin color, surname or religious beliefs, as had been stated by Duarte.^[13]

This position was intolerable to the recalcitrant conservatives, who saw in him a dangerous enemy, capable of displacing them from power, as he had demonstrated on June 9, 1844. They were concerned that he continued to maintain a strong share of command as head of the garrison of the capital and, later, as Minister of the Interior and Police. A personal component was added: Puello felt he had enough authority to challenge his enemies, sometimes showing an irascible disposition, a product of his military training. He ended up being intensely hated by some of the cabinet members. The conflict of positions worsened due to a bill to promote the arrival of immigrants who would contribute the population component necessary to the development of the country. The need for immigration was not disputed by anyone, since the Dominican territory was practically uninhabited, a situation that conspired against the possibility of the nation carving out the means for its prosperity. Additionally, the demographic disproportion between Haiti and the Dominican Republic was presented as a problem for the perpetuation of independence. It has been estimated that in 1844 the Dominican Republic had around 135,000 inhabitants, while Haiti had a population that exceeded 700,000.^[13]

However, the ruling sectors associated the migratory objective with a style of development that implied the preponderance of Europeans or direct descendants, since they saw them as the only agents of progress. For the country to develop, they estimated, it was necessary to have those who brought the work habits and cultural levels that had allowed the civilized advance of Europe. Although they rejected racial politics of any kind, many liberals accepted that whites were the bearers of the idea of progress, which is why they also considered Europeans to be desirable immigrants. In the debates that opened on the occasion of the enunciation of immigration policies, Puello introduced a discordant note. He stated that he did not object to the relevance of the arrival of foreigners so that they could contribute to the aggrandizement of the country, but that they should be of all racial conditions; Otherwise, he noted, white privilege was being sacralized. Consequently, for him the entry of blacks and mulattoes in equal proportions should be encouraged, along with Europeans. He was proposing immigration from nearby countries, such as Puerto Rico, with a majority black population.^[14]

Hero of the Battle of Estrelleta

President Jean-Louis Pierrot

Until 1845, Puello did not participate in any war action against the Haitians. During what military historians later called the “First Campaign” lasted, he remained head of the Santo Domingo garrison. At the end of these battles, it was enough for Santana to leave a small troop near the border, under the command of General Antonio Duvergé.^[14]

The situation changed when Jean-Louis Pierrot became president of Haiti, at the beginning of 1845, and announced an aggressive disposition against Dominican independence. Hostilities began towards the end of March with small raids, but in June when a succession of skirmishes began for control of Fort Cachimán, near Bánica, which had been taken from the Haitians by Duvergé in December 1844.^[14]

The Dominican Government estimated that the situation was becoming delicate in the border area, where an enemy offensive could occur, and decreed general mobilization. Duvergé had to withdraw at the end of July, it was feared that the front would break and the Haitians would advance to the foot of the wall of Santo Domingo. It was decided to send reinforcements to the Southern Front, and Puello was placed at the vanguard, a sign of the confidence that Santana had in him in the military aspect. He was entrusted with the first division of the Southern Front, with a level of command similar to that of Duvergé. Between August and mid-September 1845, the troops commanded by Puello and Duvergé carried out maneuvers that allowed them to maintain the initiative and prevent the Haitians from crossing the border line.^[15]

On September 16, Puello learned that a concentration of Haitian troops commanded by generals Toussaint, Samedi and Morissette had taken place on the banks of the Matayaya River. The Dominican general tried to buy time so that Duvergé's division, stationed in the Santomé savanna, near San Juan, could meet with his; but to stop the enemy advance, he decided the next day to fight alone. He chose the Estrelleta savannah and divided the troops into two wings, each composed of six battalions, commanded by colonels Bernardino Pérez and Valentín Alcántara. In a dispatch that day, Puello described what happened:^[16]

Upon reaching the heights of Mata-Yaya, we perceived the enemy on the opposite bank of the river, and militarily positioned on a range of hills located in the Estrelleta savanna, its only two entrances covered with two pieces of artillery, and a piece of advanced cavalry, quite distant from its general canton. They immediately sighted the column under my command, sounded generala and prepared to wait for us: I answered with our battery and prepared to go into action, which was all my desire, waiting only for the right wing to give the agreed signal. In fact, a quarter of an hour after my arrival the fire broke out, at 8 o'clock in the morning, and the column under my command, flying with the speed of lightning, launched itself at the enemies, mocking their bullets and shrapnel. In an instant they took possession of the artillery pieces and broke the enemy division: the same execution on the left wing; and after 2 hours of lively combat we defeated the Haitians, leaving in our possession the two pieces of artillery, supplies, war chests, some rifles and the field strewn with innumerable corpses, and as many wounded, there being none of us on our part, but 3 slightly injured.

Puello was surely untrue when he stated that there were only three wounded, aware that Santana, for propaganda purposes, would have his part of the battle published in loose sheets. Armies everywhere tend to minimize their losses and exaggerate those of the enemy. Even so, there is no doubt that the Haitian defeat was overwhelming, meaning the end of the offensive on the southern border. Shortly thereafter, on October 27, a twin victory occurred at the Battle of Beler, on the northern border, under the leadership of General Francisco A. Salcedo.^[17]

The Battle of Estrelleta was the most important war event that had occurred with Haiti up to that point, both in the sense of the number of troops involved and the scope of the victory. This triumph has been considered the most virtuous from a military point of view, since Puello demonstrated his skill in the way he deployed the columns and moved them to thwart the enemy advance. Men at arms who would take part in successive combats distinguished themselves, such as José María Cabral and Valentín Alcántara. But, above all, Estrelleta meant the ratification of the capacity of the Dominicans, to the extent that no new Haitian incursions took place until 1849. The importance of the victory was recognized by Santana, who shortly after decided to appoint Puello as minister. of the Interior and Police, replacing Tomás Bobadilla, with whom he had had serious disagreements. According to Víctor Garrido, while Santana privileged relations with France, Bobadilla opposed the payment of the debt installment contracted by Haiti in 1825. This maneuver confirms how Santana used the ascendancy of Puello, at that time at its zenith for the Estrelleta's triumph, to settle disputes with other prominent men on the conservative side.^[17]

According to José Gabriel García, this designation exacerbated the animosity of the conservatives towards Puello, because he was seen as better positioned to oppose the annexation projects. Garrido adds that the conflict became evident during the visit of the Spanish colonel Pablo Llenas, at the beginning of 1846, when he was put on alert to prevent any attempt to alter the existing political balance. But Puello continued to be a key piece in Santana's power racket, as was verified on delicate occasions. One of them was the refusal of recruits from the San Cristóbal area to march towards the front, at the beginning of 1845, on the occasion of the offensive announced by Pierrot. On that occasion it was considered that there was a racial motivation, since the conspirators objected to the dominance of the whites, which is why they did not wish to oppose Haiti. Despite his favorable positions towards the population of African origin, in the face of an attack against the security of the State, Puello decided to act with a toughness that was part of his personality. He moved to the scene of the events and ordered punishments against the dissidents, which included the imprisonment of General Manuel Mora, until then a supporter of Santana. The second time he showed that military energy was during the reduction of an attempted mutiny of troops on the border, in protest of the difficult living conditions they were going through, and he assumed responsibility for arranging the execution of two officers considered generators of the discomfort.^[18]