Shang

𗴂
c.1600 BCc.1045 BC
Approximate territory of the Shang dynasty within present-day China
Approximate territory of the Shang dynasty within present-day China
Capital
Common languagesOld Chinese
Religion
Shang spiritual religion
GovernmentMonarchy
King 
 c.1600 BC
Tai Yi
 c.1250  1191 BC
Wu Ding
 c.1075  1046 BC
King Zhou
Historical eraBronze Age
 Established
c.1600 BC
 Zhou conquest
c.1045 BC
Area
c.1122 BC[1]1,250,000 km2 (480,000 sq mi)
Currency
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Xia dynasty
Zhou dynasty
Today part ofChina
Shang
"Shang" in oracle bone script (top left), bronze script (top right), seal script (bottom left), and regular script (bottom right) forms
Chinese
Hanyu PinyinShāng
Alternative Chinese name
Chinese
Hanyu PinyinYīn

The Shang dynasty (Chinese: 商朝; pinyin: Shāng cháo), also known as the Yin dynasty (Chinese: 殷代; pinyin: Yīn dài), was a Chinese royal dynasty that ruled in the Yellow River valley during the second millennium BC, traditionally succeeding the Xia dynasty and followed by the Western Zhou dynasty. The classic account of the Shang comes from texts such as the Book of Documents, Bamboo Annals and Records of the Grand Historian. Modern scholarship dates the dynasty between the 16th to 11th centuries BC, with more agreement surrounding the end date than beginning date.

The Shang dynasty is the earliest dynasty of traditional Chinese history firmly supported by archaeological evidence. Excavation at the last Shang capital Yinxu, near modern-day Anyang, uncovered eleven major royal tombs and the foundations of palaces and ritual sites, containing weapons of war and remains from both animal and human sacrifices. Tens of thousands of bronze, jade, stone, bone, and ceramic artifacts have been found.

The Anyang site has yielded the earliest known body of Chinese writing, mostly divinations inscribed on oracle bones – turtle shells, ox scapulae, or other bones. More than 20,000 were discovered in the initial scientific excavations during the 1920s and 1930s, and over four times as many have been found since. The inscriptions provide critical insight into many topics from the politics, economy, and religious practices to the art and medicine of this early stage of Chinese civilization.[2]

Traditional accounts

Many events concerning the Shang dynasty are mentioned in various Chinese classics, including the Book of Documents, the Mencius and the Zuo Zhuan. Working from all the available documents, the Han dynasty historian Sima Qian assembled a sequential account of the Shang dynasty as part of his Records of the Grand Historian. His history describes some events in detail, while in other cases only the name of a king is given.[3] A closely related, but slightly different, account is given by the Bamboo Annals. The Annals were interred in 296 BC, but the text has a complex history, and the authenticity of the surviving versions is controversial.[4]

The name Yīn () is used by Sima Qian for the dynasty, and in the "current text" version of the Bamboo Annals for both the dynasty and its final capital. It has been a popular name for the Shang throughout history. Since the Records of Emperors and Kings by Huangfu Mi (3rd century AD), it has often been used specifically to describe the later half of the Shang dynasty. In Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, the Shang are still referred to almost exclusively as the Yin dynasty (In, Eun and Ân for Japan, Korea, and Vietnam respectively). However, it seems to have been a Zhou name for the earlier dynasty. The word does not appear in the oracle bones, which refer to the state as Shāng (), and the capital as Dàyì Shāng (大邑商; 'Great Settlement of Shang').[5] It also does not appear in securely dated Western Zhou bronze inscriptions.[6]

Founding myth

The founding myth of the Shang dynasty is described by Sima Qian in the Annals of the Yin. In the text, a woman named Jiandi, who was the second wife of Emperor Ku, swallowed an egg dropped by a black bird (玄鳥) and subsequently gave birth miraculously to Xie. Xie is said to have helped Yu the Great to control the Great Flood and for his service to have been granted a place called Shang as a fief.[7]

Dynastic course

In the Annals of the Yin, Sima Qian writes that the dynasty was founded 13 generations after Xie, when Xie's descendant Tang overthrew the impious and cruel final Xia ruler in the Battle of Mingtiao. The Records of the Grand Historian recount events from the reigns of Tang, Tai Jia, Tai Wu, Pan Geng, Wu Ding, Wu Yi and the depraved final king Di Xin, but the rest of the Shang rulers are merely mentioned by name. In the last century, Wang Guowei demonstrated that the succession to the Shang throne matched the list of kings in Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian. According to the Records of the Grand Historian, the Shang moved their capital five times, with the final move to Yin in the reign of Pan Geng inaugurating the golden age of the dynasty.[8]

Di Xin, the last Shang king, is said to have committed suicide after his army was defeated by Wu of Zhou. Legends say that his army and his equipped slaves betrayed him by joining the Zhou rebels in the decisive Battle of Muye. According to the Yi Zhou Shu and Mencius the battle was very bloody. The classic, Ming-era novel Fengshen Yanyi retells the story of the war between Shang and Zhou as a conflict with rival factions of gods supporting different sides in the war.

Bronze water vessel with coiling dragon pattern, late Shang dynasty (c.14th – mid-11th century BC)

After the Shang were defeated, King Wu allowed Di Xin's son Wu Geng to rule the Shang as a vassal kingdom. However, Zhou Wu sent three of his brothers and an army to ensure that Wu Geng would not rebel.[9][10][11] After Zhou Wu's death, the Shang joined the Rebellion of the Three Guards against the Duke of Zhou, but the rebellion collapsed after three years, leaving Zhou in control of Shang territory.

Descendants of the Shang royal family

After the collapse of the Shang dynasty, Zhou's rulers forcibly relocated "Yin diehards" and scattered them throughout Zhou territory.[12] Some surviving members of the Shang royal family collectively changed their surname from the ancestral name Zi to the name of their fallen dynasty, Yin. The family retained an aristocratic standing and often provided needed administrative services to the succeeding Zhou dynasty. King Wu of Zhou ennobled Lin Jian (林堅), the son of Prince Bigan, as the Duke of Bo'ling. The Records of the Grand Historian states that King Cheng of Zhou, with the support of his regent and uncle, the Duke of Zhou, enfeoffed Weiziqi (微子啟), a brother of Di Xin, as the Duke of Song, with its capital at Shangqiu. This practice was known as 'enfeoffment of three generations for two kings'.[lower-alpha 1] The Dukes of Song would maintain rites honoring the Shang kings until Qi conquered Song in 286 BC. Confucius was possibly a descendant of the Shang Kings through the Dukes of Song.[13][14][15]

The Eastern Han dynasty bestowed the title of Duke of Song and 'Duke Who Continues and Honours the Yin'[lower-alpha 2] upon Kong An,[lower-alpha 3] because he was part of the legacy of the Shang.[16][17] This branch of the Confucius family is a separate branch from the line that held the title of Marquis of Fengsheng village and later Duke Yansheng.

Another remnant of the Shang established the vassal state of Guzhu (present-day Tangshan), which Duke Huan of Qi destroyed.[18][19][20] Many Shang clans that migrated northeast after the dynasty's collapse were integrated into Yan culture during the Western Zhou period. These clans maintained an elite status and continued practicing the sacrificial and burial traditions of the Shang.[21]

Both Korean and Chinese legends, including reports in the Book of Documents and the Bamboo Annals, state that a disgruntled Shang prince named Jizi, who had refused to cede power to the Zhou, left China with a small army. According to these legends, he founded a state known as Gija Joseon in northwest Korea during the Gojoseon period of ancient Korean history. However, scholars debate the historical accuracy of these legends.

Early Bronze Age archaeology

Major archaeological sites of the second millennium BC in north and central China

Before the 20th century, the Zhou dynast (1046–256 BC) was the earliest that could be verified from its own records. However, during the Song dynasty (960–1279 AD), antiquarians collected bronze ritual vessels attributed to the Shang era, some of which bore inscriptions.[22]

Yellow River valley

Shang nephrite statuette depicting a standing dignitary, dating to the 12th–11th century BC, housed at the Arthur M. Sackler Museum at Harvard University

In 1899, several scholars noticed that Chinese pharmacists were selling "dragon bones" marked with curious and archaic characters.[22] These were finally traced back in 1928 to what is now called Yinxu, north of the Yellow River near Anyang, where the Academia Sinica undertook archeological excavation until the Japanese invasion in 1937.[22] Archaeologists focused on the Yellow River valley in Henan as the most likely site of the states described in the traditional histories.

After 1950, the remnants of the earlier walled settlement of Zhengzhou Shang City were discovered within the modern city of Zhengzhou.[22] It has been determined that the earth walls at Zhengzhou, erected in the 15th century BC, would have been 20 m (66 ft) wide at the base, rising to a height of 8 m (26 ft), and formed a roughly rectangular wall 7 km (4 mi) around the ancient city.[23][24] The rammed earth construction of these walls was an inherited tradition, since much older fortifications of this type have been found at Chinese Neolithic sites of the Longshan culture (c.3000 – c.2000 BC).[23] In 2022, excavation of an elite tomb inside the city walls yielded over 200 artefacts, including a gold face covering measuring 18.3 by 14.5 cm (7.2 by 5.7 in).[25]

In 1959, the site of the Erlitou culture was found in Yanshi, south of the Yellow River near Luoyang.[23] Radiocarbon dating suggests that the Erlitou culture flourished c.2100 BC to 1800 BC. They built large palaces, suggesting the existence of an organized state.[26] In 1983, Yanshi Shang City was discovered 6 kilometres (3.7 mi) north-east of the Erlitou site in Yanshi's Shixianggou Township. This was a large walled city dating from 1600 BC. It had an area of nearly 200 hectares (490 acres) and featured pottery characteristic of the Erligang culture.

The remains of a walled city of about 470 hectares (1,200 acres) were discovered in 1999 across the Huan River from the well explored Yinxu site. The city, now known as Huanbei, was apparently occupied for less than a century and destroyed shortly before the construction of the Yinxu complex.[27][28] Between 1989 and 2000, an important Shang settlement was excavated near Xiaoshuangqiao, about 20 km northwest of Zhengzhou. Covering an intermediary period between the Zhengzhou site and the late capitals on the Huan River, it features most prominently sacrificial pits with articulated skeletons of cattle, a quintessential part of the late Shang ritual complex.

Jade deer dating to the Shang dynasty, in the collection of the Shanghai Museum

Chinese historians were accustomed to the notion of one dynasty succeeding another, and readily identified the Erligang and Erlitou sites with the early Shang and Xia dynasty of traditional histories. The actual political situation in early China may have been more complicated, with the Xia and Shang being political entities that existed concurrently, just as the early Zhou, who established the successor state of the Shang, are known to have existed at the same time as the Shang.[21] It has also been suggested the Xia legend originated as a Shang myth of an earlier people who were their opposites.[29]

Other sites

The Erligang culture centred on the Zhengzhou site is found across a wide area of China, even as far northeast as the area of modern Beijing, where at least one burial in this region during this period contained both Erligang-style bronze utensils and local-style gold jewelry.[21] The discovery of a Chenggu-style dagger-axe at Xiaohenan demonstrates that even at this early stage of Chinese history, there were some ties between the distant areas of north China.[21] The Panlongcheng site in the middle Yangtze valley was an important regional center of the Erligang culture.[30]

Accidental finds elsewhere in China have revealed advanced civilizations contemporaneous with but culturally unlike the settlement at Anyang, such as the walled city of Sanxingdui in Sichuan. Western scholars are hesitant to designate such settlements as belonging to the Shang dynasty.[31] Also unlike the Shang, there is no known evidence that the Sanxingdui culture had a system of writing. The late Shang state at Anyang is thus generally considered the first verifiable civilization in Chinese history.[5]

In contrast, the earliest layers of the Wucheng site, predating Anyang, have yielded pottery fragments containing short sequences of symbols, suggesting that they may be a form of writing quite different in form from oracle bone characters, but the sample is too small for decipherment.[32][33][34]

Shang jade human figure, tomb of Fu Hao (d.c.1200 BCE). Probably derived from a design of the Seima-Turbino culture.[35]

Genetic studies

A study of mitochondrial DNA (inherited in the maternal line) from Yinxu commoner graves showed similarity with modern northern Han Chinese, but significant differences from southern Han Chinese.[36]

Absolute chronology

The earliest securely dated event in Chinese history is the start of the Gonghe Regency in 841 BC, early in the Zhou dynasty, a date first established by Sima Qian. Attempts to establish earlier dates have been plagued by doubts about the origin and transmission of traditional texts and the difficulties in their interpretation. More recent attempts have compared the traditional histories with archaeological and astronomical data.[37] At least 44 dates for the end of the dynasty have been proposed, ranging from 1130 BC to 1018 BC.[38]

  • The traditional dates of the dynasty, from 1766 BC to 1122 BC, were calculated by Liu Xin during the Han dynasty.[39]
  • A calculation based on the "old text" of the Bamboo Annals yields dates of 1523 BC to 1027 BC.[39]
  • David Pankenier, by attempting to identify astronomical events mentioned in Zhou texts, dated the beginning of the dynasty at 1554 BC and its overthrow at 1046 BC.[39][40][41][42]
  • The Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project identified the establishment of the dynasty with the foundation of an Erligang culture walled city at Yanshi, dated at c.1600 BC.[43] The project also arrived at an end date of 1046 BC, based on a combination of the astronomical evidence considered by David Pankenier and radiocarbon dating of archaeological layers.[44]
  • David Nivison and Edward Shaughnessy argue for and end date of 1045 BC, based on their analysis of the Bamboo Annals.[45][46]
  • Radiocarbon dating of oracle bones has yielded an end date of 1041 BC, with an uncertainty of about 10 years.[47]

Late Shang at Anyang

A pit at Yinxu containing oracle bones ceremonially buried after divination

The oldest extant direct records date from approximately 1250 BC at Anyang, covering the reigns of the last nine Shang kings. The Shang had a fully developed system of writing, preserved on bronze inscriptions and a small number of other writings on pottery, jade and other stones, horn, etc., but most prolifically on oracle bones.[48] The complexity and sophistication of this writing system indicates an earlier period of development, but direct evidence of such is still lacking. Other advances included the invention of many musical instruments and celestial observations of Mars and various comets by Shang astronomers.[49]

Their civilization was based on agriculture and augmented by hunting and animal husbandry.[50] In addition to war, the Shang also practiced human sacrifice.[51] Skulls of sacrificial victims have been found to be similar to modern Chinese ones (based on comparisons with remains from Hainan and Taiwan).[52][53] Cowry shells were also excavated at Anyang, suggesting trade with coast-dwellers, but there was very limited sea trade since China was isolated from other large civilizations during the Shang period.[54] Trade relations and diplomatic ties with other formidable powers via the Silk Road and Chinese voyages to the Indian Ocean did not exist until the reign of Emperor Wu during the Han dynasty (206 BC – 221 AD).[55][56]

Court life

Tortoise shell with divinatory inscriptions
Bronzewares from the excavated tomb of Fu Hao

At the excavated royal palace in Yinxu, large stone pillar bases were found along with rammed earth foundations and platforms, which according to Fairbank, were "as hard as cement".[22] These foundations in turn originally supported 53 buildings of wooden post-and-beam construction.[22] In close proximity to the main palatial complex, there were underground pits used for storage, servants' quarters, and housing quarters.[22]

Many Shang royal tombs had been tunneled into and ravaged by grave robbers in ancient times,[57] but in the spring of 1976, the discovery of Tomb 5 at Yinxu revealed a tomb that was not only undisturbed, but one of the most richly furnished Shang tombs that archaeologists had yet come across.[58] With over 200 bronze ritual vessels and 109 inscriptions of Lady Fu Hao's name, Zheng Zhenxiang and other archaeologists realized they had stumbled across the tomb of King Wu Ding's most famous consort, Fu Hao, who is mentioned in 170 to 180 Shang oracle bone inscriptions, and who was also renowned as a military general.[59] Along with bronze vessels, stoneware and pottery vessels, bronze weapons, jade figures and hair combs, and bone hairpins were found.[60][61][62] The archaeological team argue that the large assortment of weapons and ritual vessels in her tomb correlate with the oracle bone accounts of her military and ritual activities.[63]

The capital was the center of court life. Over time, court rituals to appease spirits developed, and in addition to his secular duties, the king would serve as the head of the ancestor worship cult. Often, the king would even perform oracle bone divinations himself, especially near the end of the dynasty. Evidence from excavations of the royal tombs indicates that royalty were buried with articles of value, presumably for use in the afterlife. Perhaps for the same reason, hundreds of commoners, who may have been slaves, were buried alive with the royal corpse.

Late Shang Jiaguwen about breeding horses.[64]

A line of hereditary Shang kings ruled over much of northern China, and Shang troops fought frequent wars with neighboring settlements and nomadic herdsmen from the inner Asian steppes. The Shang king, in his oracular divinations, repeatedly showed concern about the fang, barbarians living outside of the civilized tu regions, which made up the center of Shang territory. In particular, the tufang group of the Yanshan region were regularly mentioned as hostile to the Shang.[21]

Apart from their role as the head military commanders, Shang kings also asserted their social supremacy by acting as the high priests of society and leading the divination ceremonies.[65] As the oracle bone texts reveal, the Shang kings were viewed as the best qualified members of society to offer sacrifices to their royal ancestors and to the high god Di, who in their beliefs was responsible for the rain, wind, and thunder.[65]

The King appointed officials to manage certain activities, usually in a specified area. These included agricultural official, pastors, , dog officers, and guards. These officers led their own retinues in the conduct of their duties, and some grew more independent and emerged as rulers of their own. There was a basic system of bureaucracy in place, with references to positions such as the "Many Dog officers", "Many horse officers", the "Many Artisans", the "Many Archers" or court titles like "Junior Servitor for Cultivation" or "Junior Servitor for labourers". More distant rulers were known as marquess or count, who sometimes provided tribute and support to the Shang King in exchange for military aid and augury services. However these alliances were unstable, as indicated by the frequent royal divinations about the sustainability of such relations.[66]

The existence of records regarding enemy kills, prisoners and booty taken point to the existence of a proto-bureaucracy of written documents.[67]

Religion

Shang-era face masks made of bronze, c.16th–14th century BC

Shang religious rituals featured divination and sacrifice. The degree to which shamanism was a central aspect of Shang religion is a subject of debate.[68][69]

There were six main recipients of sacrifice:[70]

  1. Di, the "High God",
  2. Natural forces, such as that of the sun and mountains,
  3. Former lords, deceased humans who had been added to the dynastic pantheon,
  4. Pre-dynastic ancestors,
  5. Dynastic ancestors, and
  6. Royal wives who were ancestors of the present king

The Shang believed that their ancestors held power over them and performed divination rituals to secure their approval for planned actions.[71] Divination involved cracking a turtle carapace or ox scapula to answer a question, and to then record the response to that question on the bone itself.[68] It is unknown what criteria the diviners used to determine the response, but it is believed to be the sound or pattern of the cracks on the bone.

The Shang also seem to have believed in an afterlife, as evidenced by the elaborate burial tombs built for deceased rulers. Often "carriages, utensils, sacrificial vessels, [and] weapons" would be included in the tomb.[72] A king's burial involved the burial of up to a few hundred humans and horses as well to accompany the king into the afterlife, in some cases even numbering four hundred.[72] Finally, tombs included ornaments such as jade, which the Shang may have believed to protect against decay or confer immortality.

The Shang religion was highly bureaucratic and meticulously ordered. Oracle bones contained descriptions of the date, ritual, person, ancestor, and questions associated with the divination.[68] Tombs displayed highly ordered arrangements of bones, with groups of skeletons laid out facing the same direction.

Bronze working

A bronze ding (sacrificial vessel) dating to the Shang

Chinese bronze casting and pottery advanced during the Shang dynasty, with bronze typically being used for ritually significant, rather than primarily utilitarian, items. As early as c.1500 BC, the early Shang dynasty engaged in large-scale production of bronzeware vessels and weapons.[73] This production required a large labor force that could handle the mining, refining, and transportation of the necessary copper, tin, and lead ores. This in turn created a need for official managers that could oversee both hard-laborers and skilled artisans and craftsmen.[73] The Shang royal court and aristocrats required a vast number of different bronze vessels for various ceremonial purposes and events of religious divination.[73] Ceremonial rules even decreed how many bronze containers of each type a nobleman or noblewoman of a certain rank could own. With the increased amount of bronze available, the army could also better equip itself with an assortment of bronze weaponry. Bronze was also used for the fittings of spoke-wheeled chariots, which appeared in China around 1200 BC.[65]

Military

A bronze axe head dated to the Shang

The Shang dynasty entered into prolonged conflicts with northern frontier tribes called the Guifang.[74][75][76]

Bronze weapons were an integral part of Shang society.[77] Shang infantry were armed with a variety of stone and bronze weaponry, including spears, poleaxes, pole-based dagger-axes, composite bows, and bronze or leather helmets.[78][79]

War charriots at Yinxu. Shang chariots were introduced around 1200 BCE through the northern steppes, probably from the area of the Karasuk culture,[80] or Deer stones culture.[81][82][83]

Although the Shang depended upon the military skills of their nobility, Shang rulers could mobilize the masses of town-dwelling and rural commoners as conscript laborers and soldiers for both campaigns of defense and conquest.[84] Aristocrats and other state rulers were obligated to furnish their local garrisons with all necessary equipment, armor, and armaments. The Shang king maintained a force of about a thousand troops at his capital and would personally lead this force into battle.[85] A rudimentary military bureaucracy was also needed in order to muster forces ranging from three to five thousand troops for border campaigns to thirteen thousand troops for suppressing rebellions.

Kings

Shang dynasty curved bronze knives with turquoise inlays and animal pommel. 12th-11th century BCE. Such knives may be the result of contacts with northern people.[86][87]

The earliest records are the oracle bones inscribed during the reigns of the Shang kings from Wu Ding.[88] The oracle bones do not contain king lists, but they do record the sacrifices to previous kings and the ancestors of the current king, which follow a standard schedule that scholars have reconstructed. From this evidence, scholars have assembled the implied king list and genealogy, finding that it is in substantial agreement with the later accounts, especially for later kings.[89] According to this implied king list, Wu Ding was the twenty-first Shang king.[89]

The Shang kings were referred to in the oracle bones by posthumous names. The last character of each name is one of the 10 celestial stems, which also denoted the day of the 10-day Shang week on which sacrifices would be offered to that ancestor within the ritual schedule. There were more kings than stems, so the names have distinguishing prefixes such as da ('greater', ), zhong ('middle', ), xiao ('lesser', ), bu ('outer', ), and zu ('ancestor', ), as well as other, more obscure ones.[90]

The kings, in the order of succession derived from the oracle bones, are here grouped by generation. Later reigns were assigned to oracle bone diviner groups by Dong Zuobin.[91]

The oracle bones have been radiocarbon dated and results are given below. The dates given are uncertainty ranges, not regnal years. That is to say, there is a 80 to 90 percent chance that the divinations recorded were performed within the given date range.[47]

Generation Older brothers Main line of descent Younger brothers Divination phase
1Da Yi (大乙)[lower-alpha 4] [lower-alpha 5]
2Da Ding (大丁)[lower-alpha 6]
3Da Jia (大甲)Bu Bing (卜丙)[lower-alpha 7]
4[lower-alpha 8]Da Geng (大庚)Xiao Jia (小甲)[lower-alpha 9]
5Da Wu (大戊)Lü Ji (呂己)[lower-alpha 10]
6Zhong Ding (中丁)[lower-alpha 11]Bu Ren (卜壬)
7Jian Jia (戔甲)Zu Yi (祖乙)
8Zu Xin (祖辛)Qiang Jia (羌甲)[lower-alpha 12]
9Zu Ding (祖丁)Nan Geng (南庚)[lower-alpha 13]
10Xiang Jia (象甲)Pan Geng (盤庚)Xiao Xin (小辛)Xiao Yi (小乙)
11Wu Ding (武丁) 1254-1197 BC (I)
12[lower-alpha 14]Zu Geng (祖庚)Zu Jia (祖甲) 1206-1177 BC (II)
13Lin Xin (廩辛)[lower-alpha 15]Geng Ding (康丁)1187-1135 BC (III)
14Wu Yi (武乙) 1157–1110 BC (IV)
15Wen Wu Ding (文武丁)
16Di Yi (帝乙)[lower-alpha 16] 1121–1041 BC (V)
17Di Xin (帝辛)[lower-alpha 17]

See also

Notes

  1. zh:二王三恪
  2. zh:殷紹嘉公
  3. zh:孔安 (東漢)
  4. The first king is known as Tang in the Historical Records. The oracle bones also identify six pre-dynastic ancestors: 上甲 Shang Jia, 報乙 Bao Yi, 報丙 Bao Bing, 報丁 Bao Ding, 示壬 Shi Ren and 示癸 Shi Gui.
  5. There is no firm evidence of oracle bone inscriptions before the reign of Wu Ding.
  6. According to the Historical Records and the Mencius, Da Ding (there called Tai Ding) died before he could ascend to the throne. However in the oracle bones he receives rituals like any other king.
  7. According to the Historical Records, Bu Bing (there called Wai Bing) and 仲壬 Zhong Ren (not mentioned in the oracle bones) were younger brothers of Dai Ting and preceded Da Jia (also known as Dai Jia). However the Mencius, the Commentary of Zuo and the Book of History state that he reigned after Da Jia, as also implied by the oracle bones.
  8. The Historical Records include a king Wo Ding not mentioned in the oracle bones.
  9. The Historical Records have Xiao Jia as the son of Da Geng (known as Tai Geng) in the "Annals of Yin", but as a younger brother (as implied by the oracle bones) in the "Genealogical Table of the Three Ages".
  10. According to the Historical Records, Lü Ji (there called Yong Ji) reigned before Da Wu (there called Tai Wu).
  11. The kings from Zhong Ding to Nan Geng are placed in the same order by the Historical Records and the oracle bones, but there are some differences in genealogy, as described in the articles on individual kings.
  12. The status of Qiang Jia varies over the history of the oracle bones. During the reigns of Wu Ding, Di Yi and Di Xin, he was not included in the main line of descent, a position also held by the Historical Records, but in the intervening reigns he was included as a direct ancestor.
  13. According to the Historical Records, Nan Geng was the son of Qiang Jia (there called Wo Jia).
  14. The oracle bones and the Historical Records include an older brother Zǔ Jǐ (祖己) who did not reign.
  15. Lin Xin is named as a king in the Historical Records and oracle bones of succeeding reigns, but not those of the last two kings.[92]
  16. There are no ancestral sacrifices to the last two kings on the oracles bones, due to the fall of Shang. Their names, including the character ; ; 'emperor', come from the much later Bamboo Annals and Historical Records.[93]
  17. also referred to as Zhòu (), Zhòu Xīn (紂辛) or Zhou Wang (紂王) or by adding "Shang" () in front of any of these names.

References

Citations

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  2. Keightley (2000).
  3. Keightley (1999), pp. 233–235.
  4. Keightley (1978b).
  5. 1 2 Keightley (1999), p. 232.
  6. Keightley (1978a), p. xiv.
  7. Keightley (1999), p. 233, with additional details from the Historical Records.
  8. Keightley (1999), p. 233.
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  15. Lee Dian Rainey (2010). Confucius & Confucianism: The Essentials. John Wiley & Sons. p. 66. ISBN 978-1-4051-8841-8.
  16. Rafe de Crespigny (28 December 2006). A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms (23–220 AD). BRILL. pp. 389–. ISBN 978-90-474-1184-0.
  17. 《汉书·杨胡朱梅云传》:初,武帝时,始封周后姬嘉为周子南君,至元帝时,尊周子南君为周承休侯,位次诸侯王。使诸大夫博士求殷后,分散为十余姓,郡国往往得其大家,推求子孙,绝不能纪。时,匡衡议,以为"王者存二王后,所以尊其先王而通三统也。其犯诛绝之罪者绝,而更封他亲为始封君,上承其王者之始祖。《春秋》之义,诸侯不能守其社稷者绝。今宋国已不守其统而失国矣,则宜更立殷后为始封君,而上承汤统,非当继宋之绝侯也,宜明得殷后而已。今之故宋,推求其嫡,久远不可得;虽得其嫡,嫡之先已绝,不当得立。《礼记》孔子曰:'丘,殷人也。'先师所共传,宜以孔子世为汤后。"上以其语不经,遂见寝。
  18. 中国孤竹文化网 Archived 1 April 2010 at the Wayback Machine (Chinese Guzhu Cultural Network)
  19. 解开神秘古国 ——孤竹之谜 (unlocking the ancient mystery of Guzhu)
  20. 孤竹析辨 (Guzhu analysis identified)
  21. 1 2 3 4 5 Sun (2006).
  22. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 33.
  23. 1 2 3 Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 34.
  24. Needham, Volume 4, Part 2, 43.
  25. Yi, Yan, ed. (19 September 2022). "New archaeological discoveries provide insight into Yellow River origins of Chinese civilization". Global Times. Retrieved 16 December 2023.
  26. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), pp. 34–35.
  27. Harrington, Spencer P. M. (May–June 2000). "Shang City Uncovered". Archaeology. Archaeological Institute of America. 53 (3).
  28. Tang, Jigen; Jing, Zhichun; Liu, Zhongfu; Yue, Zhanwei (2004). "Survey and Test Excavation of the Huanbei Shang City in Anyang" (PDF). Chinese Archaeology. 4: 1–20. doi:10.1515/CHAR.2004.4.1.1.
  29. Allan (1991), p. 63.
  30. Bagley (1999), pp. 168–171.
  31. Bagley (1999), pp. 124–125.
  32. Wilkinson (2013), p. 669.
  33. Wagner (1993), p. 20.
  34. Cheung (1983).
  35. Lin, Meicun (2016). "Seima-Turbino Culture and the Proto-Silk Road". Chinese Cultural Relics. 3 (1–2): 255, Figure 15. ISSN 2330-5169. It is worth noting that a jade figurine (Figure 15:5) that resembles a Seima-Turbino-style bronze figurine (Figure 15:3) and a knife with deer-head pommel (Figure 15:6) were unearthed from the tomb of Fu Hao at the Yin ruins. A similar knife with deer-head pommel is also in the collection of the Baoji Museum of Bronze Collections (Figure 12:4). These discoveries and collected artifacts reveal the cultural transmission between ancient inhabitants of the Yellow River region and nomads of the Eurasian Steppe.
  36. Zeng, Wen; Li, Jiawei; Yue, Hongbin; Zhou, Hui; Zhu, Hong (2013). Poster: Preliminary Research on Hereditary Features of Yinxu Population. 82nd Annual Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists.
  37. Lee (2002), pp. 16–17.
  38. Lee (2002), p. 32.
  39. 1 2 3 Keightley (1999), p. 248.
  40. Pankenier (1981–1982), p. 23.
  41. Pankenier, David W. (2015). "The cosmo-political mandate". Astrology and Cosmology in Early China: Conforming Earth to Heaven. Cambridge University Pressn. p. 197. ISBN 978-1-107-53901-3.
  42. Nivison (2018), p. 165.
  43. Lee (2002), p. 28.
  44. Lee (2002), pp. 31–34.
  45. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1992). "The Date of the Zhou Conquest of Shang". Sources of Western Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels. University of California Press. pp. 217–236. ISBN 978-0-520-07028-8.
  46. Nivison, David S. (1983). "The Dates of Western Chou". Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Vol. 43. Harvard-Yenching Institute. pp. 481–580. doi:10.2307/2719108. JSTOR 2719108.
  47. 1 2 Liu et al. (2021), pp. 165, 169.
  48. Qiu (2000), p. 60.
  49. Kerr, Gordon (2013). A Short History of China. Oldcastle Books. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-84243-969-2.
  50. Beck, Roger B.; Linda Black; Larry S. Krieger; Phillip C. Naylor; Dahia Ibo Shabaka (1999). World History: Patterns of Interaction. Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell. ISBN 0-395-87274-X.
  51. Flad, Rowan (28 February 2010). "Shang Dynasty Human Sacrifice". NGC Presents. National Geographic.
  52. Pietrusewsky, Michael (2005). "The physical anthropology of the Pacific, East Asia and Southeast Asia: a multivariate craniometric analysis". In Sagart, Laurent; Blench, Roger; Sanchez-Mazas, Alicia (eds.). The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. RoutledgeCurzon. pp. 201–229. ISBN 978-0-415-32242-3. Page 203.
  53. Howells, William (1983). "Origins of the Chinese People: Interpretations of recent evidence". In Keightley, David N. (ed.). The Origins of Chinese Civilization. University of California Press. pp. 297–319. ISBN 978-0-520-04229-2. Pages 312–313.
  54. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 35.
  55. Sun (1989), pp. 161–167.
  56. Chen (2002), pp. 67–71.
  57. Thorp (1981), p. 239.
  58. Thorp (1981), p. 240.
  59. Thorp (1981), pp. 240, 245.
  60. Thorp (1981), pp. 242, 245.
  61. Li (1980), pp. 393–394.
  62. Lerner et al. (1985), p. 77.
  63. Thorp (1981), p. 245.
  64. Yuan, Jing and Rowan Flad. “Two issues concerning domesticated horses in China.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, vol. 75, 2003, pp. 110-126
  65. 1 2 3 Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), p. 14.
  66. Keightley (1999), pp. 272–273, 286.
  67. Keightley (1999), pp. 287.
  68. 1 2 3 Chang (1994).
  69. Keightley (1998).
  70. Keightley (1999), pp. 253–254.
  71. Keightley (2004).
  72. 1 2 Smith (1961).
  73. 1 2 3 Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), p. 17.
  74. Creel, Herrlee G. (1970). The Origins of Statecraft in China. The University of Chicago Press. p. 232.
  75. Taskin V.S., "Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc", Issue 3 "Mujuns", "Science", Moscow, 1992, p.10, ISBN 5-02-016746-0
  76. Loewe M. and Shaughnessy E.L., eds., The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., New York, Cambridge, 1999, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8, p. 269.
  77. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994).
  78. Wang (1993).
  79. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), p. 35.
  80. Wu, Hsiao-yun (2013). Chariots in Early China: Origins, cultural interaction, and identity. BAR Publishing. ISBN 9781407310657. whether we base our arguments on artistic style, typology, or chronology, we can suggest that the Shang chariot weapon/tool set originated from the Karasuk culture. And, their close association with chariots in the Shang context suggests that, in the Karasuk culture, there possibly was a new advance, mainly represented by the emergence of bow-shaped objects, developed on the earlier chariot "driving and fighting skill set" seen in the Sintashta and the Andronovo cultures. This new development of the "driving and fighting skill set" and the Karasuk innovations of bowshaped objects, knives and sharpening stones, probably also including bows, as a set of items accompanied male, were transmitted to Anyang as aspects of chariots. [...] The Shang chariot weapon/tool set with Shang patterns is probably most satisfactorily understood as a local version of the Karasuk set.
  81. Rawson, Jessica (June 2020). "Chariotry and Prone Burials: Reassessing Late Shang China's Relationship with Its Northern Neighbours". Journal of World Prehistory. 33 (2): 135–168. doi:10.1007/s10963-020-09142-4. S2CID 254751158. These different monuments, petroglyphs, khirigsuurs and deer stones have illuminated the key role of the Mongolia plateau as a major region of origin for chariot and horse use in East Asia (and their associated weapons and tools), and also the likely source for the chariots and horses employed at Anyang
  82. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1988). "Historical Perspectives on The Introduction of The Chariot Into China". Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. 48 (1): 189–237. doi:10.2307/2719276. ISSN 0073-0548. JSTOR 2719276. Recent publications of archeological discoveries throughout Soviet Central Asia, however, now allow the previous void between China and the Near East to be filled both spatially and temporally, leaving no doubt that the chariot did indeed enter China from the northwest at about 1200 B.C. (...) From this we might suggest an upper limit for artifactual evidence of the chariot in China of about 1200 B.C., which corresponds to the last part of King Wu Ding's reign (c. 1200-1180 B.C.).
  83. Barbieri-Low, Anthony J. (February 2000). "Wheeled Vehicles in the Chinese Bronze Age (c. 2000-741 B.C.)" (PDF). Sino-Platonic Papers. 99.
  84. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), p. 33.
  85. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), p. 34.
  86. "Shang knife British Museum". www.britishmuseum.org. In subsequent centuries such knives were more popular with peoples of the northern zone than with the Shang and Zhou inhabitants of Shaanxi and Henan. It is, therefore, possible that even in the Erlitou period such knives illustrate contact with northern peoples. Alternatively, the spread of Erligang culture may have taken such knives from central Henan to the periphery.
  87. So, Jenny F.; Bunker, Emma C. (1995). Traders and raiders on China's northern frontier: 19 November 1995 - 2 September 1996, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (PDF). Seattle: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Inst. [u.a.] pp. 35–36. ISBN 978-0295974736. Enough northern bronze knives, tools, and fittings have been recovered from royal burials at the Shang capital of Anyang to suggest that people of northern heritage mingled with the Chinese in their capital city. These artifacts must have entered Shang domain through trade, war, intermarriage, or other circumstances.
  88. Wilkinson (2013), p. 684.
  89. 1 2 Keightley (1999), p. 235.
  90. Smith (2011), pp. 3–5.
  91. Keightley (1999), pp. 234–235, 240–241.
  92. Keightley (1978a), p. 187.
  93. Keightley (1978a), pp. 187, 207, 209.

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