Batwa women with traditional pots. In the Commune of Kiganda, Muramvya Province in July 2007.

Following the recommendations of a Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2008, Burundi ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICCPED),[1] Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women[2] (OP-CEDAW), and the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture[3] (OPCAT).

However, women are underrepresented in power structures.[4] The phenomenon of sexual violence, particularly against women and children, is common in the country.[4] The Initiative for Peacebuilding noted in a 2010 study on gender issues in Burundi that there is a strong correlation between areas of intense military activity and high instances of sexual violence.[5]

Culture

Rural women greet each other in a complex musical form called akazehe, chanting an interlocking vocal rhythm that communicates feelings and narratives about their everyday lives.[6]

Women's political participation in Burundi

History

Women in Burundi secured the right to vote in 1961.[7] By the time women in Burundi had the right to vote, almost 80% of women around the world had won the fight for suffrage.[7]

Burundi has gone through many political changes since its independence from Belgium in 1962.[8] A failed coup in 1993, ethnic violence between Hutus and Tutsis, and a civil war all were impacted by and affected the role of women in politics.[8] While in other countries around Sub-Saharan Africa the United Nations was facilitating democratization efforts in the 1990s, efforts in Burundi were focused on stabilization due to violence and instability following the 1993 democratic elections.[9] Women and girls were disproportionately the most affected group during Burundi's civil war.[10] However, during this time women also took on more roles in society than was previously deemed acceptable.[10]

Women played a major role in reconciliation efforts, humanitarian campaigns, and peace negotiations.[11] In 1993, Women for Peace was created in Burundi.[12] The group gained momentum and international recognition after joining the umbrella organization CAFOB (Collectif des Associations et ONGs Féminines du Burundi).[12] Another important milestone for women in Burundi was the All-Party Burundi Women's Peace Conference, held in Arusha in July 2000, a month before the signing of the Arusha peace agreement.[12] The conference hosted women from all different economic and social backgrounds and facilitated the drafting of gender-specific initiatives to be included in the agreement.[12]

In 1993, Burundi had its first female prime minister, Sylvie Kinigi.[13] However, women continued to be vastly underrepresented in Burundi's government through 2005; Kinigi was the exception, not the norm.[10] In 2001, women made up 15% of ministerial positions, 9% of the National Assembly, and 18% of the Senate.[10]

As of 2017, Burundi ranked 25th in the world in women's parliamentary representation.[14] Research points to women activists and their work pushing for representation in the wake of the state's civil war as playing a key role in the nation's significant increase in women's representation.[14]

Legislative gender quotas

Women's representation in government in Africa increased threefold from 1990 to 2010.[15] Studies show that the dramatic increase in representation on the continent may be attributed to political openings, political liberalization, international pressure, and the emergence of women in more positions of power after major conflict in a state.[15]

Before the 1970s, only five states had implemented gender quotas to increase women's representation in government.[16] As of 2011, over 100 countries, including Burundi, implemented gender quotas in their government.[16] Gender quotas can take different forms; reserved seats, legislative quotas for nominees, or voluntary quotas for political parties.[16] It is argued that gender quotas are often adopted because of international pressures, instead of being a sign of modernization, which is why they are seen primarily in developing nations.[16] However, other research in the field shows no systematic patterns in terms of adoption because gender quotas are appearing in countries with varied political, cultural, and economic characteristics.[17]

In the 2005 Constitution of the Republic of Burundi, articles 129, 164, and 182(2) established gender quotas in the state.[18] Burundi's legislative gender quotas established that a minimum of 30% of seats must be held by women in Parliament, including the National Assembly and the Senate, and in the Executive Branch.[18] If the election results do not meet the minimum of 30% of seats being held by women, according to electoral law, the Electoral Administration adds candidates from the underrepresented group who received at least 5% of the votes.[18]

Political impacts

Studies have found that when women are represented at a critical mass in government, at least 30% of the body, descriptive representation, policy responsiveness, and symbolic representation all go up.[19] More specifically, it has been found that states with more women in government will invest more in social welfare, child health care programs, and legislation that serves women.[20] Additionally, perceptions around women's capabilities to achieve beyond traditional gender roles improves among both men and women.[20]

Despite the real steps that Burundi has taken towards more equal representation, women's roles continue to be shaped by patriarchal norms and women are still a marginalized group in the nation.[10] In Burundi, cultural norms assert that women should not speak in public, should not be included In decision making, and are often regarded as illegitimate politicians.[10] Cultural expectations have limited the effectiveness of women's participation in politics.[10]

Burundian Civil War

Amnesty International claims rape, in addition to physical mutilation, was used during the Burundian Civil War as 'a strategy of war'.[5] In 2004 the Hutu rebel group, Forces of National Liberation (FNL), claimed responsibility for killing 160 Congolese Tutsi refugees in a United Nations camp at Gatumba near the Congo border in Burundi. The attack was strongly condemned by the U.N. Security Council, which issued a statement of outrage at the fact that "most of the victims were women, children and babies who were shot dead and burned in their shelters."[21]

Burundi women's national football team

Women's football is now [a] big deal. The standard that we have attained in Africa is good enough. Soon, an African team will challenge seriously for the World Cup. But we need far more support from governments and big business.

Lydia Nsekera, president of the Football Federation of Burundi[22]

The Football Federation of Burundi, the country's national association, created a woman's football programme in 2000.[23][24][25] By 2006, there were just 455 registered women players, and the absence of a thriving women's game has been an obstacle for the national team.[26] Lydia Nsekera is the head of the national football association.[27]

Outside the national federation, the Commission nationale du football féminin was established by the 1990s, and a league and women's teams were organised in the same period in Bujumbura.[28][29]

Notable figures

Sylvie Kinigi - Prime Minister and acting President of Burundi.[30]

References

  1. ↑ United Nations. "United Nations Treaty Collection: Chapter IV: Human Rights: 16. International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. New York, 20 December 2006". Retrieved 2012-08-29.
  2. ↑ United Nations. "United Nations Treaty Collection: Chapter IV: Human Rights: 8. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. New York, 18 December 1979". Archived from the original on 23 August 2012. Retrieved 2012-08-29.
  3. ↑ United Nations. "United Nations Treaty Collection: Chapter IV: Human Rights: 9. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. New York, 10 December 1984". Archived from the original on 8 November 2010. Retrieved 2012-08-29.
  4. 1 2 "NATIONAL REPORT SUBMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH PARAGRAPH 15 (A) OF THE ANNEX TO HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL RESOLUTION 5/1" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-09-19. Retrieved 2023-09-29.
  5. 1 2 "Countries".
  6. ↑ Facci, Serena; Ciucci, Alessandra (2020). "The Akazehe of Burundi: Polyphonic Interlocking Greetings and the Female Ceremonial". Ethnomusicology Translations (10): 1–37 – via IUScholarWorks Journals.
  7. 1 2 Ramirez, Francisco O.; Soysal, Yasemin; Shanahan, Suzanne (1997). "The Changing Logic of Political Citizenship: Cross-National Acquisition of Women's Suffrage Rights, 1890 to 1990". American Sociological Review. 62 (5): 735–745. doi:10.2307/2657357. ISSN 0003-1224. JSTOR 2657357.
  8. 1 2 Vandeginste, Stef (2009). "Power-Sharing, Conflict and Transition in Burundi: Twenty Years of Trial and Error". Africa Spectrum. 44 (3): 63–86. doi:10.1177/000203970904400304. hdl:10067/810760151162165141. ISSN 0002-0397. JSTOR 40607824. S2CID 55248839.
  9. ↑ Curtis, Devon (2013). "The International Peacebuilding Paradox: Power Sharing and Post-Conflict Governance in Burundi". African Affairs. 112 (446): 72–91. doi:10.1093/afraf/ads080. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 23357148.
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Falch, Ashild (2010). Women's Political Participation and Influence in Post-Conflict Burundi and Nepal. Pace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). ISBN 978-82-7288-350-7.
  11. ↑ Idriss, Shamil (2000). "Who Can Prevent Genocide? Ask the Women of Burundi". Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity (43): 57–61. doi:10.2307/4066111. ISSN 1013-0950. JSTOR 4066111. S2CID 142755074.
  12. 1 2 3 4 Daley, Patricia (2007-06-01). "The Burundi Peace Negotiations: An African Experience of Peace–making". Review of African Political Economy. 34 (112): 333–352. doi:10.1080/03056240701449729. ISSN 0305-6244. S2CID 143580004.
  13. ↑ Perkins, Susan E.; Phillips, Katherine W.; Pearce, Nicholas A. (2013). "Ethnic Diversity, Gender, and National Leaders". Journal of International Affairs. 67 (1): 85–104. ISSN 0022-197X. JSTOR 24461673.
  14. 1 2 Alexander, Amy C.; Bolzendahl, Catherine; Jalalzai, Farida (2017-11-16). Measuring Women's Political Empowerment across the Globe: Strategies, Challenges and Future Research. Springer. ISBN 978-3-319-64006-8.
  15. 1 2 Holding the World Together: African Women in Changing Perspective. University of Wisconsin Press. 2019. doi:10.2307/j.ctvfjcxvh. ISBN 978-0-299-32110-9. JSTOR j.ctvfjcxvh. S2CID 242928968.
  16. 1 2 3 4 Bush, Sarah Sunn (2011). "International Politics and the Spread of Quotas for Women in Legislatures". International Organization. 65 (1): 103–137. doi:10.1017/S0020818310000287. ISSN 0020-8183. JSTOR 23016105. S2CID 155022117.
  17. ↑ Krook, Mona Lena; O'Brien, Diana Z. (2010). "The Politics of Group Representation: Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide". Comparative Politics. 42 (3): 253–272. doi:10.5129/001041510X12911363509639. ISSN 0010-4159. JSTOR 27822309.
  18. 1 2 3 "Burundi 2005 Constitution - Constitute". www.constituteproject.org. Retrieved 2022-04-18.
  19. ↑ Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A.; Mishler, William (2005). "An Integrated Model of Women's Representation". The Journal of Politics. 67 (2): 407–428. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00323.x. ISSN 0022-3816. JSTOR 10.1111/j.1468-2508.2005.00323.x. S2CID 53694943.
  20. 1 2 Hughes, Melanie M.; Tripp, Aili Mari (2015). "Civil War and Trajectories of Change in Women's Political Representation in Africa, 1985–2010". Social Forces. 93 (4): 1513–1540. doi:10.1093/sf/sov003. ISSN 0037-7732. JSTOR 24754196.
  21. ↑ "U.N. Demands Justice After Massacre of 150 Refugees in Burundi". The New York Times. 2004-08-16. Retrieved 2009-06-29.
  22. ↑ Olajire, Ademola (November 5, 2006). "Vanguard (Nigeria) - AAGM: Wesley Canvasses Greater Support for Women Football". Vanguard. Lagos, Nigeria. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
  23. ↑ "Burundi: Fixtures and Results". FIFA. 2012. Archived from the original on June 22, 2011. Retrieved 28 June 2012.
  24. ↑ "Goal! Football: Burundi" (PDF). FIFA. 21 April 2009. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 3, 2013. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
  25. ↑ Tom Dunmore (16 September 2011). Historical Dictionary of Soccer. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-7188-5. Retrieved 13 April 2012.
  26. ↑ FIFA (2006). "Women's Football Today" (PDF). p. 40. Archived from the original (PDF) on August 14, 2012. Retrieved 17 April 2012.
  27. ↑ Gabriel Kuhn (24 February 2011). Soccer Vs. the State: Tackling Football and Radical Politics. PM Press. p. 34. ISBN 978-1-60486-053-5. Retrieved 13 April 2012.
  28. ↑ "Burundi - Lydia Nsekera, la "Madame Thatcher du football" à la Fifa" (in French). Slate Afrique. 31 May 2012. Retrieved 28 June 2012. Elle a beaucoup œuvré pour inciter les femmes du Burundi à pratiquer ce sport. Dans les années 1990, en tant que présidente de la Commission nationale du football féminin, elle a mis en place des équipes féminines à Bujumbara et a créé un championnat de football uniquement dédié aux femmes.
  29. ↑ "Fifa : Lydia Nsekera, première dame du foot mondial". Jeune Afrique (in French). 30 May 2012. Retrieved 28 June 2012. Elle a assouvi sa passion par procuration et contribué largement à changer les choses en créant des équipes féminines à Bujumbura, la capitale de cette ancienne colonie belge. À la fin des années 1990, la Fifa, pour encourager le développement du football au Burundi, se tourne naturellement vers Lydia Nsekera.
  30. ↑ Skard, Torild (2014). Women of power : half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide. Bristol: Policy Press. ISBN 9781447315780. OCLC 880196349.
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