King Di Xin of Shang
帝辛
King Zhou of Shang illustrated in the Ehon Sangoku Yōfuden (c. 1805)
King of Shang dynasty
Reign1075–1046 BCE (29 years)
PredecessorDi Yi (his father)
Born1105 BCE
Died1046 BCE
SpouseConsort Daji
IssueWu Geng
Names
Family name: Zǐ (子)
Given name: Shòu (受)[1][2] or Shòudé (受德)[3]
Posthumous name
Zhou (紂)
Di Xin (帝辛)
FatherDi Yi

King Zhou ([ʈ͡ʂoʊ]; Chinese: 紂王; pinyin: Zhòu Wáng) was the pejorative posthumous name given to Di Xin of Shang (商帝辛; Shāng Dì Xīn) or King Shou of Shang (商王受; Shāng Wáng Shòu), the last king of the Shang dynasty of ancient China.[4] He is also called Zhou Xin (紂辛; Zhòu Xīn). In Chinese, his name Zhòu (紂) also refers to a horse crupper,[5] the part of a saddle or harness that is most likely to be soiled by the horse. It is not to be confused with the name of the succeeding dynasty, which has a different character and pronunciation (周; Zhōu).

Names

Di Xin is the posthumous name given by the Shang dynasty imperial house. Di Xin was born with the family name Zi, clan name Yin, and the given name Shou. He was called King Shou of Shang by the kingdom of Zhou when he was alive. After his death, he was given a derogatory posthumous name, King Zhou of Shang (商紂王) by the succeeding Zhou dynasty, with Zhou (紂) meaning "horse crupper", implicating "injustice and harm".[6][7]

Early reign

In the Records of the Grand Historian, Sima Qian wrote that Di Xin, in the early part of his reign, had abilities which surpassed those of the ordinary man, and was quick-witted and quick-tempered. According to legend, he was intelligent enough to win all of his arguments, and he was strong enough to hunt wild beasts with his bare hands.[8] He was the younger brother of Zi Qi (子啓) and Zi Yan (子衍) (later rulers of Zhou's vassal state Song)[9] and father of Wu Geng. His father Di Yi had two brothers, Ji Zi and Bi Gan. Di Xin added to the territory of Shang by battling the tribes surrounding it, including the Dongyi to the east.

Late reign

A significant amount of information regarding Di Xin's life had been falsified by following dynasties. Thus, many modern-day historians believe that he was, in fact, reasonable and intelligent, without several of the cruelties attributed to him. The following are accounts of him written in records published in the millennium following his death, during which many misconceptions surrounding him arose.

In his later years, Di Xin gave himself over to drinking, women, and abandoned morals, preferring these to the proper governance of the country, and ignored almost all affairs of state. According to Sima Qian, he even hosted festive orgies, where many people engaged in immoral things at the same time with his concubines and created songs with crude (erotic) lyrics and poor rhythm. In legends, he is depicted as having come under the influence of his wicked wife Daji, and committing all manner of evil and cruel deeds with her.

One of the most famous forms of entertainment Zhou enjoyed was the "Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest". A large pool, big enough for several canoes, was constructed on the Palace grounds, with inner linings of polished oval-shaped stones from the seashores. This allowed for the entire pool to be filled with alcohol. A small island was constructed in the middle of the pool, where trees were planted, which had branches made of roasted meat skewers hanging over the pool. This allowed Zhou and his friends and concubines to drift on canoes in the pool. When they thirsted, they reached down into the pool with their hands and drank the wine. When they hungered, they reached up with their hands to eat the roasted meat. This was considered one of the most famous examples of decadence and corruption of a ruler in Chinese history.[10]

According to the Records of the Grand Historian, in order to please Daji, he created the "Punishment of burning flesh with a hot iron (炮格之刑)". One large hollow bronze cylinder was stuffed with burning charcoal and allowed to burn until red-hot; then prisoners were made to hug the cylinder, which resulted in a painful and unsightly death.

Zhou and Daji were known to get highly aroused after watching such torture. Victims ranged from ordinary people and prisoners to high government officials, such as Mei Bo.[11]

In order to fund Zhou's heavy daily expenses, heavy taxes were implemented. The people suffered greatly, and lost all hope for the Shang dynasty. Zhou's brother Wei Zi tried to persuade him to change, but was rebuked. His uncle Bi Gan similarly remonstrated with him, but Di Xin had his heart ripped out so he could see what the heart of a sage looked like. When his other uncle Ji Zi heard this, he went to remonstrate with the kingly nephew and, feigning madness, was imprisoned.

Fall

When the Zhou dynasty's army, led by Jiang Ziya, defeated the Shang dynasty at the Battle of Muye in 1046 BC, Di Xin gathered all his treasures around himself in the Palace, and then set fire to his palace and committed suicide. After his death, Di Xin's head was cut off and displayed on a white-flag pole by Ji Fa. Of Di Xin's favorite consorts, Da Ji was executed and two more committed suicide, and their heads, likewise, were displayed on either small white flag poles or red flag poles.[12][13][14][15][16]

The name Zhòu (紂; crupper) actually appeared after the death of King Zhou, a posthumous name. This name was meant to convey a negative value judgement, and his reign accumulated stories of increasingly egregious corruption. Centuries after his death, he had acquired the reputation of almost a paradigmatic wicked ruler.[17]

Mentions in literature and legend

Zhou is mentioned in the Confucian Analects (19 "子張");[18] and also in the Three Character Classic.[19] Zhou is also one of the main subjects of Fengshen Yanyi (Investiture of the Gods) and its various derivations in popular media. Thus, Di Xin, also known as Zhou, has served as a (negative) exemplar of Confucian principles (presented as the wicked ruler who justifies regime change according to the Mandate of Heaven), as well as becoming an icon of popular culture. This makes for a biographically interesting figure, but one challenging a clear distinction between history, legend, and philosophical point-making.

In Fengshen Yanyi, Zhou visited the Goddess Nüwa's temple and offended the Goddess with his lustful comments towards her beauty. In response, Nüwa decided that the Shang dynasty should end and sent her three subordinates to become three beautiful women (including Daji) to bewitch Zhou. Under the influence of these women, Zhou becomes a ruthless king, losing the support of people and triggering his downfall. Until now, nobody knows most of his lifestyle from the reduced amount of artifacts found regarding to him.

According to the Fengshen Yanyi, Jiang Ziya recognized that King Zhou was a well-versed and well-trained individual who became an incapable ruler only because of having fallen victim to seduction. After his death, Jiang Ziya deified King Zhou as the Tianxi Xing (天喜星 "Star of Heavenly Happiness"). As the Tianxi Xing, he had the responsibility of managing the marriage affairs of humans.

Archaeology and historiography

Archaeologists believed that Tomb 1567 at the Yinxu site was constructed for King Zhou, but he was not buried there due to his suicide in Battle of Muye.[20]

Following the downfall of the Shang Dynasty, Di Xin and the Jie of Xia were recorded as tyrants in most historical records by historians of later dynasties. However, some ancient historians and modern historians have cast doubts on this narrative due to archeological evidence contradicting historical records or inconsistencies found between older and later records.

In the most common narrative, Di Xin killed his uncle Bi Gan by ripping his heart out. The Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project and other studies have pointed out inconsistencies. Bi Gan's death due to remonstration is only recorded in the Spring and Autumn period, while the account of his heart being removed by Di Xin appeared much later in the fables of the Warring States period, indicating the extra details were likely added to reinforce Di Xin's tyrannical image.[21][22]

Di Xin is also known for his Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest at Deer Terrace Pavilion, used as evidence for historians of later dynasties to condemn the decadence and corruption of Di Xin. However, modern archaeological evidence at Deer Terrace Pavilion found a pool at the base of the structure purely for water storage and sanitation. The narrative of "Pool of Wine" was questioned as early as in the Han dynasty. Scholar Wang Chong, in his work Lunheng, suggested the accounts of "wine pools and meat forests" were unreliable.[23] During the Southern Song Dynasty, scholar Luo Mi wrote in the Lushi also considered the allegations against Di Xin to be largely unreliable and exaggerated after reviewing various documents.[24]

With the continuous research on the Shang and Zhou dynasties, backed by the excavation of oracle bones, bronzeware, and other archaeological materials, the modern academic community increasingly questioned the tyrannical portrayal of Di Xin. The depiction of Di Xin during the Western Zhou period, though negative, did not contain substantive brutality. The earliest record written in the Zhou dynasty, Book of Documents, lists only six accusations against Di Xin, including listening to women, appointing fugitives to government/military positions, not performing proper rituals, excessive drinking, and believing in his destiny being in the heavens (Mandate of Heaven). The Da Yu ding during King Kang of Zhou period recorded that the primary reason for the downfall of the Shang Dynasty was the Di Xin's excessive drinking. The descriptions in later dynasties become more bloodthirsty and brutal, with increased details, even though the events took place in the distant past.[25][26][27][28][29]

In excavation sites of the late Shang Dynasty, grave goods made of metal and wood became more common while sacrificial goods for rituals were reduced, signifying a trend toward simpler burials. Prior to Di Xin's rule, King Zu Jia of the Shang dynasty simplified and formulated the imperial rituals, increasing the use of grain and dance during rituals in place of human and animal sacrifice. There were barely any instances of human and animal sacrifices towards the end of the Shang Dynasty when Di Xin reigns. After the Shang dynasty, the Zhou dynasty stopped simplifying the ritual procedures and instead increased the frequency of human sacrifices, a custom that continued to persist for several hundred years in the Zhou state and its vassal states. Di Xin and Zhou dynasty's simplified rituals can be considered a progressive cultural change, while in the perspective of the later Zhou dynasty, it was disrespectful to the ancestors.[28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41]

Women held many official positions during the Zhou dynasty, such as jobs responsible for managing rituals, advising military affairs, managing court and guests, and they were highly respected by the Shang state, which was observed by numerous scholars like Chen Xi, Zhang Maorong, Wang Qiwei, Wang Hui, Wang Ruiying, Du Fangqin, He Min, Geng Chao, Xie Naihe.[42][43][44] According to scholarly analysis, the overall status of women in the Shang Dynasty was significantly higher than that of the following Zhou dynasty. During Zhou, women were increasingly excluded from military and political matters while the state emphasized domestic roles for them like silk production and weaving. The appointment of women in power during the Shang dynasty indicated a more progressive and gender-equal culture, while the Zhou state, following Confucian rituals, was more conservative.[28][45][46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54]

Appointing fugitives to government positions was another justification for Zhou to overthrow Shang. This was intentionally done by Di Xin, who used this method to suppress the clans who held too much power in court. Di Xin believed in meritocracy and employed fugitives from other countries.[48][55][56] Drinking was part of the Shang culture; thus, Di Xin's drinking problem wasn't uncommon during that period.[29][57]

The concept of the Mandate of Heaven is a subject of considerable debate. Some scholars, like Chao Fulin, argue that the Shang Dynasty did not possess the later concept of the 'Mandate of Heaven', which dictates the rise and fall of dynasties. In the 'Book of Shang,' the term 'Mandate of Heaven' actually refers to 'the command of the ancestors' (the spiritual power of the ancestors in heaven to bless or abandon one's life).[58][59][60]

Gu Xiagang and other Doubting Antiquity School historians noted the further into later periods, the more detailed and numerous the accusations of Di Xin became. During the Spring and Autumn period, intellectuals from various schools of thought traveled around China to present their political ideologies. In their allegorical stories, Di Xin, the deceased ruler of the fallen former dynasty, was portrayed as a negative exemplar to propagate the notion of 'evil deserves retribution.' Compared to the original documents from the Western Zhou period, they ascribed numerous new accusations to King Zhou, such as the story of Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest and "Punishment of burning flesh with a hot iron (炮格之刑)". Following the Han Dynasty and onward, rulers continued to propagate the image of King Zhou of Shang as a negative figure. Over centuries of accumulated vilification, King Zhou gradually became characterized as the epitome of a tyrant.[61]

Notes

  1. ↑ Book of Documents, "Book of Zhou - Speech at Mu". quote: 「今商王受惟婦言是用。昏棄厥肆祀弗答，昏棄厥遺王父母弟不迪。乃惟四方之多罪逋逃，是崇是長，是信是使，是以為大夫卿士，俾暴虐于百姓，以奸宄于商邑。」Kern (2017)'s translation: "Now for Shou, the king of Shang, it is indeed the words of his wife that he follows. He blindly discards the sacrifices he should present and fails to respond [to the blessings he has received from the spirits]. He blindly discards his paternal and maternal uncles who are still alive and fails to employ them. Thus, indeed, the vagabonds of the four quarters, loaded with crimes—these he honors, these he exalts, these he trusts, these he enlists, these he takes as high officials and dignitaries, to let them oppress and tyrannize the people and bring villainy and treachery upon the City of Shang."
  2. ↑ Kern, Martin (2017) "Chapter 8: The "Harangues" (Shi 誓) in the Shangshu" in Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Series: Studies in the History of Chinese Texts, Volume 8. Eds Ker, Martin & Dirk, Meyer. p. 298 of pp. 281-319
  3. ↑ Lü Buwei. "仲冬紀—當務" [Winter's Middle Month Almanac | On being appropriate to the circumstances]. Lüshi Chunqiu. 受德乃紂也
  4. ↑ Wu, 220.
  5. ↑ U+7D02
  6. ↑ 曹国庆主编 (1992). 亡国君主. 西安：三秦出版社. p. 10. ISBN 7-80546-410-3.
  7. ↑ 复旦大学出土文献与古文字研究中心编；刘钊主编 (2018). 出土文献与古文字研究 第7辑. 上海：上海古籍出版社. p. 207. ISBN 978-7-5325-8775-9.
  8. ↑ Wu, 220–221, referencing Sima Qian's Yin Benji chapter (史记 · 辛本纪).
  9. ↑ Lüshi Chunqiu (吕氏春秋·仲冬纪第十一)
  10. ↑ Sima, Qian. Records of the Grand Historian.
  11. ↑ See, for example, Qu Yuan, Tian Wen (天问). "梅伯受醢".
  12. ↑ Yi Zhou Shu "Shifu"
  13. ↑ Yegor Grebnev, (2018). "The Record of King Wu of Zhou's Royal Deeds in the Yi Zhou Shu in Light of Near Eastern Royal Inscriptions," Journal of the American Oriental Society 138.1, p. 73-104.
  14. ↑ Shiji "Annals of Yin"
  15. ↑ Shiji "Annals of Zhou"
  16. ↑ Liu Xiang, Biographies of Exemplary Women "Depraved Favorites - Da Ji (consort) of Zhou of Yin"
  17. ↑ Pines, Yuri (2008). "To Rebel is Justified? The Image of Zhouxin and the Legitimacy of Rebellion in the Chinese Political Tradition". Oriens Extremus. Harrassowitz Verlag. 47: 1–24. JSTOR 24048044.
  18. ↑ "The Analects : Zi Zhang - Chinese Text Project". ctext.org (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2021-05-22.
  19. ↑ "Three Character Classic - Chinese Text Project".
  20. ↑ "规模宏大的安阳殷墟商代王陵(图)". Archived from the original on 2018-10-03. Retrieved 2015-12-08.
  21. ↑ 《楚辞·天问》：“比干何逆，而抑沉之。”，《楚辞》，中华书局出版社，2019年.
  22. ↑ "湖南衛視-商纣王的历史真面目". Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2015-08-23.
  23. ↑ 王充《论衡·语增》: 令池在深室之中，则三千人宜临池坐，前俛饮池酒，仰食肴膳，倡乐在前，乃为乐耳。如审临池而坐，则前饮害于肴膳，倡乐之作不得在前。夫饮食既不以礼，临池牛饮，则其啖肴不复用杯，亦宜就鱼肉而虎食。则知夫酒池牛饮非其实也。
  24. ↑ （南宋）罗泌《路史》，北京图书馆出版社，2003年
  25. ↑ 徐明波, 彭裕商. 殷墟黄组卜辞断代研究[J]. 中国史研究, 2007(2):13.
  26. ↑ 江雨德《国之大事：商代晚期中的礼制改良》，唐际根主编《殷墟与商文化(殷墟科学发掘80周年纪念文集)》，科学出版社，2011年11月
  27. ↑ 郜向平. 商墓中的毁器习俗与明器化现象[J]. 考古与文物, 2010(1):8.
  28. 1 2 3 许莉莉. 清华简所见商末周初史事初探[D]. 烟台大学.
  29. 1 2 3 李娜. 帝辛行为再审视[J]. 沧州师范学院学报, 2015(03):62-66.
  30. ↑ 黄展岳《中国古代的人牲人殉问题》，《考古》1987年02期
  31. ↑ 黄展岳《中国古代的人牲人殉新资料概述》，《考古》1996年12期
  32. ↑ 张诒三. 《论语》"先进于礼乐"章索解[J]. 齐鲁学刊, 2019(4):9.
  33. ↑ 王志友. 商周时期的腰坑葬俗[J]. 华中科技大学学报：社会科学版, 2006, 20(6):6.
  34. ↑ 曾宝栋, 杨杨. 浅谈商周时期墓葬中腰坑的功能和意义[J]. 殷都学刊, 2017, 38(3):6.
  35. ↑ 刘源. 周承殷制的新证据及其启示[J]. 历史研究, 2016(2):16.
  36. ↑ 曹斌. 恭懿之际西周国家的转型[J]. 中国人民大学学报, 2017(3).
  37. ↑ 胡剑. 从《左传》看春秋人殉制度的演变[J]. 昭通学院学报, 2018, 40(4):4.
  38. ↑ 翟胜利. 西周金文与献俘礼[J]. 文物春秋, 2010(6):4.
  39. ↑ 孙庆伟. 祭祀还是盟誓:北赵和羊舌晋侯墓地祭祀坑性质新论[J]. 中国国家博物馆馆刊, 2012(5):15.
  40. ↑ 邹芙都, 余霞. 西周黎国政治军事地位及姻亲关系初探[J]. 史学集刊, 2017(3):10.
  41. ↑ "晋国： 综述——山西倗伯霸伯墓与河南淅川楚墓新解系列". Archived from the original on 2022-02-22. Retrieved 2022-01-12.
  42. ↑ 《禮記》曲禮下：「天子有后，有夫人，有世婦，有嬪，有妾。天子建天官，先六大，曰：大宰，大宗，大史，大祝，大士，大卜，典司六典。」鄭玄注：「此蓋殷時制也。」孔穎達疏：「此一節總論立男官女官之事。……記者之言，不可一依周禮，或可雜夏殷而言之。」
  43. ↑ 《周礼·天官·冢宰》：「世婦：掌祭祀、賓客、喪紀之事，帥女宮而濯摡，為粢盛。及祭之日，蒞陳女宮之具，凡內羞之物。掌吊臨于卿大夫之喪。」
  44. ↑ 《禮記》曲禮下：「國君不名卿老、世婦，大夫不名世臣、姪娣，士不名家相、長妾。」
  45. ↑ 陈曦. 从甲骨文,铜器铭文看商周时期女性的地位[J]. 中国文化研究, 2007(2):150-154.
  46. ↑ 张懋镕. 商周之际女性地位的变迁——商周文化比较研究之二[J]. 西部考古, 2007(1):21.
  47. ↑ 王奇伟. 从"牝鸡之晨"现象看商代妇女的社会地位[J]. 殷都学刊, 2000(3):5.
  48. 1 2 王晖《商周文化比较研究》
  49. ↑ 王瑞英. 从甲骨文金文看商周妇女地位的变化及原因[J]. 求索, 2008(6):3.
  50. ↑ 杨宝成《殷墟文化研究》
  51. ↑ 杜芳琴. 商周性别制度与贵族妇女地位之比较[J]. 山西师大学报：社会科学版, 1998(4):7.
  52. ↑ 何敏. 商周贵族妇女地位变迁初探[D]. 四川大学, 2003.
  53. ↑ 耿超. 性别视角下的商周婚姻,家族与政治[D]. 南开大学, 2010.
  54. ↑ 谢乃和. 试论商周时期贵族妇女地位的两次转型[J]. 北方论丛, 2008(1):5.
  55. ↑ 常金仓. "夷夏之辨"与"以德怀远"说[J]. 陕西师范大学学报：哲学社会科学版, 1997(1):6.
  56. ↑ 吉家友. 国人与野人界限的消失[J]. 信阳师范学院学报：哲学社会科学版, 2015, 35(5):5.
  57. ↑ 王奇伟. 从"人惟求旧"到"殷不用旧"——对商代王权与族权关系的考察[J]. 徐州师范大学学报：哲学社会科学版, 2001, 27(4):4.
  58. ↑ 晁福林《论殷代神权》，《中国社会科学》1990年第1期
  59. ↑ 晁福林《先秦社会最高权力的变迁及其影响因素》,《中国社会科学》2015年第2期
  60. ↑ 晁福林《说商代的“天”和“帝”》,《史学集刊》2016年第3期
  61. ↑ 马卫东. 《容成氏》"文王服九邦"考辨——兼论《容成氏》的主体思想及其学派归属[J]. 史学集刊, 2012(1):8.

References

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