José María Cunill Postius
Josep Maria Cunill Postius.jpg
Born
José María Cunill Postius

1896
Berga, Catalonia, Spain
Died1949
Terrassa, Catalonia, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationentrepreneur
Known forparamilitary commander
Political partyCarlism

José María Cunill Postius (1896-1949), Catalan: Josep Maria Cunill i Postius, was a Spanish Catalan entrepreneur. Politically active within Carlism, he is known mostly as commander of the regional branch of the Carlist paramilitary organization, Requeté; he was also among key civilians engaged in the anti-Republican conspiracy and the 1936 coup in Catalonia. He vehemently opposed unification into the state party Falange Española Tradicionalista and after the civil war he remained engaged in conspiracy against the Franco regime.

Family and youth

Berga, 1907
Berga, 1907

The family of Conill/Cunill is among the oldest ones in Catalonia, noted since the medieval times.[1] Over time it got moderately branched, mostly in the provinces of Barcelona, Girona and in the Baleares. It is not clear which branch the ancestors of Cunill Postius were related to. The most distant of his forefathers identified is a paternal grandfather, José Cunill Traserra; in the 1870s he was referred to as “conocido industrial” in the city of Berga, already at the Pyrenean foothills.[2] His son Victoriano Cunill Pujol (1860-1925)[3] was also an entrepreneur. In the late 19th century he operated a mid-size textile plant Lluis Nè, and then purchased another one, called cal Patata; in the 1920s the integrated business consisted of some 38 machines.[4] Cunill Pujol was also president of Sindicato Patronal de Sastrería de Berga and Sociedad de Maestros Sastres.[5]

Cunill textile plant, Berga, around 1915

In 1883 Cunill Pujol married Rosa Postius Sala (1864-1929);[6] she was daughter to Jaime Postius Vilardaga, a merchant from Berga.[7] The couple had 3 children, born between 1886 and 1899; José María was born as the younger son and second oldest child.[8] There is nothing known about his early childhood, except that the family was very pious; the brother of Rosa, Juan Postius Sala, entered the Claretian order, served on overseas missions, and was personal friend to Federico Tedeschini and Eugenio Pacelli.[9] In the 1910s the young José María frequented Escuela Superior de Comercio in Barcelona and obtained the title of contador mercantil;[10] it is not clear whether he pursued an academic career afterwards. He engaged in the family business and following military service at the turn of the decades,[11] in the early 1920s he remained busy upgrading the Berga textile plant.[12]

At unspecified time but in 1928 latest[13] Cunill Postius married Mercedes Solá Brujas (1907[14]-1993[15]); she descended from an established family from Matadepera near Terrassa, which since medieval times owned large plots in the area.[16] The couple settled at the bride's estate and since 1928 Cunill is noted as related to agricultural business in Terrassa, propietario[17] and l’industrial terrasenc.[18] They had 8 children.[19] The oldest one, José María Cunill Solá, became a Catholic priest and served on apostolic missions overseas; he propagated liberation theology, embraced socialism and was co-founder of Comité Oscar Romero and Asociación de Amics del Bisbe Casaldàliga.[20] Another son, Antonio Cunill Solá, as a deacon remained active in Bandera Roja and served in the Terrassa council as the representative of PSUC.[21] Cunill Postius’ grandson Francesc Dalmases Cunill was a well-known mountain climber.[22]

Towards Catalan requeté command

Cunill's press commercial

In the 1920s Cunill remained engaged in his agricultural Terrassa business, which at some point involved even international trading in grain.[23] By the end of the decade he suffered a series of accidents: in 1928 his Granja de Productos Agrícolas warehouse in Terrassa was consumed by fire,[24] in 1929 his warehouse at Rambla de Egara was robbed,[25] and in 1930 there was another robbery and minor damage recorded.[26] It is not clear whether these were accidental misfortunes or rather the mark of growing social tension. Cunill animated Sindicato Agrícola de Terrassa and in 1930 as its representative he entered junta directiva of Unión de Sindicatos y Agricultores de Cataluña, where he became the vice-president.[27] Except for agricultural syndicates, there is no information either on his public activity at the time or on political stand adopted during dictadura and dictablanda.

Following declaration of the Republic in 1931 Cunill was involved in Peña Ibérica, a Barcelona association which originated as a sports group and which gradually assumed a right-wing political flavor. Its members - Carlists, Alfonsists, supporters of PNE – might have been involved in loose conspiracy against the regime.[28] What political current Cunill was associated with at the time is unclear; there is neither any information on political preferences in his family. However, in 1932 he was for the first time recorded as related to Carlism. During elections to the newly established Catalan parliament he appeared as Traditionalist on the list of Dreta de Catalunya[29] in the Barcelona province district.[30] The alliance performed badly, trailing behind Esquerra (65,300), Lliga (36,980), Partit Catalanista Republicá (21,654) and Partit Republicá Radical (19,025); with 5,903 votes Dreta failed to win a single mandate.[31]

requetés on tourist trail

In the early 1930s Cunill was engaged in buildup of the local Terrassa branch of the Carlist paramilitary organization, Requeté. Uniformed members of the unit took part in public religious events, held guard in front of churches or convents, engaged in leafleting and assembled own rallies.[32] Though the organization was short of massive, Cunill-led detachments amounting up to 50 members commenced trainings and drills in the countryside.[33] Until 1933 the Terrassa branch emerged as the best-organized local requeté section in Catalonia.[34] Cunill himself was recognized as supporter of firm anti-Republican measures, “partidario de pasar a la acción”.[35] As such, he opposed the moderate line advocated by the Catalan Carlist leader, Miguel Junyent. In mid-1933 the Catalan Carlist hardliners, including Cunill, Conde de Valdellano and the Marcet brothers, mounted an offensive against Junyent; they travelled to Saint-Jean-de-Luz to speak with the claimant Alfonso Carlos[36] and met the nationwide requeté leader, José Luis Zamanillo.[37] Some scholars claim the coup was animated by local Integrists.[38] Eventually Junyent decided to step down, replaced by Lorenzo Alier Cassi. Cunill was nominated head of requeté in the entire Catalonia.[39]

Conspiracy

requeté ID card (sample)

As head of Catalan requeté Cunill embarked on major shake-up of the paramilitary, carried out in line with general re-organisation enforced centrally. Already in 1933 representatives of the Catalan branch took part in national rally in the Cantabrian Potes;[40] throughout 1934 Cunill implemented new hierarchical structure and command chain, introduced strict discipline, issued ID cards and commenced regular tactical drills in the countryside. In 1934 some 15 Catalan requetés attended a training in Fascist Italy.[41] Cunill was eager to maintain some separate identity of the Catalan branch, be it in terms of organisation or uniforms, though this did not lead to major problems.[42] His role in buildup of the Catalan requeté is compared to this of Antonio Lizarza in Navarre.[43]

During the 1933 elections the detachments were deployed guarding sites of right-wing parties or newspapers and at one opportunity engaged in shootout with the Escamots.[44] During the October 1934 unrest Cunill remained in touch with the local UME; he pledged 500 men ready to confront the revolution, though it is not clear whether there were indeed any requetés engaged in action along the military.[45] At the time he was already member of the Terrassa ayuntamiento, elected back in January,[46] and co-owner of a local Terrassa daily Crónica Social, which he co-purchased one year earlier.[47] Though one of key men of Catalan Carlism[48] he was barely engaged in nationwide politics, and his taking part in consultations with Fal Conde on would-be entry into the National Bloc was rather an exceptional episode.[49]

In 1935 Cunill represented the requeté organization in España Club, an informal Barcelona extreme-right inter-party platform related to UME. Its leaders tried to form own shock units, named Voluntariado Español; each unit was supposed to retain its political identity and the Carlists seemed the largest and the best-equipped group.[50] It is not clear whether the nationwide requeté command was aware and approved of this scheme. Resolved to confront a forthcoming revolution, they were prepared to practice urban combat by staging assaults on a masonic centre in Terrassa and an Anarchist one in Figueres.[51] The Voluntariado scheme was abandoned following the elections of February 1936;[52] military conspirators decided to talk to each political grouping separately.[53]

requeté drill, 1934 (sample)

Since the triumph of Frente Popular Cunill was determined to mount a pre-emptive strike against the Republic.[54] Initially he devised a local plan of action based on provocation; requetés were supposed to stage a series of sabotages disguised as revolutionary work, and pre-agreed army crackdown on Left-wing organizations was to follow. Though local Falange opted out, the date has been tentatively agreed with UME and requetés were put on highest alert awaiting a command from the military; eventually it did not come.[55] Despite this setback Cunill remained fully committed to action and kept maintaining close links with the conspirators from UME.[56] It is not clear what his relation with the new Carlist Catalan leader Tomás Cayla was; the latter remained rather skeptical about a violent anti-republican coup.[57]

Civil war

Barcelona, July 19, 1936

Cunill was among key civilians engaged in Catalan anti-Republican conspiracy of the spring of 1936; he was also closely in touch with the nationwide Carlist command.[58] He offered to the Barcelona military some 3,000 action-ready requetés and further 15,000 as auxiliaries;[59] in return he received general instructions. How many volunteers indeed reported to the barracks on July 19 is unclear. Cunill led a group of some 200 men[60] who appeared at the San Andrés quarters;[61] some scholars claim the campaign was poorly organized.[62] Following a chaotic day which involved some shootout, San Andrés was seized by the loyalists and Cunill was apprehended.[63] Either the next or the following day he and other captured requetés were led to the Montcada y Reixac cemetery and shot.[64] Cunill managed to fake death; lightly wounded, he survived also coup de grâce. Treated later by friends, he left Barcelona and in August 1936 in unclear circumstances he made it to the rebel zone.[65]

Cunill was among the very first requetés who reached the Nationalist lines following the failed coup in Catalonia.[66] Once he was joined by some other Carlist survivors, especially the political second-in-command, Mauricio de Sivatte, the two commenced labors to group incoming refugees into a Catalan-only Carlist combat battalion. It materialized in late 1936 as Tercio de Nuestra Señora de Montserrat, and took part in combat until the end of the war.[67] Cunill did not join frontline units and remained engaged in the rear. In December 1936 he entered Comisión Carlista de Asuntos para Cataluña; the internal Carlist 6-member body[68] was busy mostly with logistics and organization of Catalan Carlists.[69] At later stages Comisión was re-organized and replaced with Jefatura Regional.[70] However, Cunill tried to thwart similar designs on part of competing organizations. In early 1937 he and others protested to military authorities against formation of Jefatura Territorial de Cataluña de F.E. de las J.O.N.S.[71]

Barcelona, January 28, 1939
Barcelona, January 28, 1939

Cunill was not among the Carlist heavyweights and he did not participate in key party meetings about the threat of forthcoming amalgamation into a state party.[72] However, it is known that he remained among the most staunch opponents of the project, and that following the Unification Decree of April 1937 he refused to engage in structures of the emerging Falange Española Tradicionalista.[73] His fate throughout 1938 is not known. In January 1939 he and other leading Catalan Carlists – like Sivatte or Vives – accompanied the Nationalist troops entering Barcelona. They immediately engaged in organization work and kept re-opening Carlist círculos in the city; the plan was to ignore unified FET structures and return to status quo ante.[74] However, the strategy failed; within few days the Francoist military governor of Catalonia ordered all círculos to close.[75]

Francoism

Montserrat rally poster

Despite the ban on non-licensed political activity Cunill engaged in buildup of semi-clandestine Carlist structures and attempted to use religious and official events as cover when advancing Traditionalist propaganda. During preparations to anniversary of the July 1936 rising in Barcelona, in July 1939 he was detained by security and placed in home arrest for 2 weeks.[76] A later police report claimed that he organized a requeté unit named “Tercio de Nuestra Señora de Tecla”; reportedly it was busy with anti-Franco street graffiti and geared up to violent action.[77] In 1940 an informant of security services agonized about “dangerous freedom of action” enjoyed by Sivatte and Cunill, who “promueven disturbios, editan hojas clandestinas, etc”.[78] The same year Sivatte and Cunill organized a separate, non-official Martires de la Tradición rally; security report noted uniformed requeté detachments seen on the streets, all co-ordinated by “cabecillas antiunionistas Sivatte, Cunill y Gassio”.[79] In 1941 strict orders were issued by the administration to prevent any such cases.

In the early 1940s Cunill and Sivatte tried to mount some local political schemes and get Traditionalists installed in municipal authorities, e.g. in Badalona.[80] In Terrassa with moderate success and together with the Marcet Cabassa brothers Cunill attempted to build sort of a political and cultural bulwark against Francoism.[81] It was partially disguised as a club named – again - Peña Ibérica; the FET report claimed it was “un gran estorbo para la unificación” and that local rank-and-file Traditionalists were “víctimas de la actuación de sus directivos”.[82] Among other charges,[83] the Falangists claimed that Cunill was co-responsible for intimidation of Barcelona bookstore owners, told to remove books of Primo de Rivera and Franco.[84] Potentially the most explosive incident took place in 1943, following Carlist-Falangist skirmishes during the Montserrat rally. Cunill and Francisco Vivés Suriá – pistols in hand[85] - stormed Falangist premises to free captured Carlists; as there were none, no shootout followed.[86]

Carlist standard

Since the mid-1940s the Navarrese Carlists tried to lure Cunill into their schemes, intended against what was perceived as appeasement policy of Fal Conde towards the Franco regime; his stand is not clear.[87] It is known that later Cunill was getting increasingly frustrated by Fal and in a personal letter to Don Javier of early 1948 he complained about lack of bold, anti-Francoist, Traditionalist course. The claimant asked him to have full trust in the Carlist command,[88] but also dismissed him from the post of Catalan requeté leader, the move immediately protested by Sivatte.[89] In 1949 Cunill was already at the verge of loyalty to Don Javier: in February he asked a local Valencian leader Sara Peris to re-format party propaganda and focus on loyalty to the defunct Alfonso Carlos,[90] in April he openly voiced against Fal and his Junta Regional,[91] and in November he signed the last letter to Don Javier, pressing him to terminate regency and declare himself the king.[92] At the time Cunill was at the terminal stage of cancer and he passed away some two weeks later.[93]

See also

Footnotes

  1. ↑ Cunill, [in:] Heraldica Familiar service, available here
  2. ↑ La Cronica 23.05.77, available here
  3. ↑ La Vanguardia 14.07.25, available here; some sources claim he was born in 1855, Carles Figols, Hostal cal Patata (Berga), [in:] Antics hostals de camí ral service, 23.01.17, available at Blogspot service [blocked by Wikipedia]
  4. ↑ Figols 2017
  5. ↑ La Vanguardia 14.07.25, available here
  6. ↑ Figols 2017
  7. ↑ he was married to Maria Sala Casas, who originated from Castella de n’Hug, P. Maxím Muñoz, El P. Joan Postius i Sala, missioner claretià, ànima de la Coronació de la Marededéu de Queralt, [in:] L’Erol 129-130 (2016), p. 39
  8. ↑ Figols 2017
  9. ↑ Maxím Muñoz 2016, p. 39
  10. ↑ La Vanguardia 19.08.11, available here
  11. ↑ La Vanguardia 14.05.21, available here
  12. ↑ e.g. in 1923 Cunill requested and got permission to install new machines in the plant, La Vanguardia 14.05.21, available here
  13. ↑ in March 1929 Mercedes Solá was already listed as the daughter-in-law of Rosa Postius Sala, La Vanguardia 12.01.29, available here
  14. ↑ one source claims she was 85 when passed away in 1993, see La Vanguardia 30.01.93, available here. Elsewhere her birth year is stated as 1907, Esteve Canyameres i Ramoneda, Can Solà del Racó de Matadepera (segles XIII-XVII), [in:] Terme 16 (2001), p. 107
  15. ↑ La Vanguardia 30.01.93, available here
  16. ↑ originally the estate was known as Can Solà; in the modern era it was divided into can Solà del Pla and can Solà de la Font, for details ses Canyameres i Ramoneda 2001, pp. 91-107
  17. ↑ José Fernando Mota Muñoz, ¡Viva Cataluña española!: Historia de la extrema derecha en la Barcelona republicana (1931-1936), Valencia 2020, ISBN 9788491345909, p. 93
  18. ↑ Manell Ametller i Bassets, Una masia de Matadepera: Can Solà de la Font, o del Racó. Notes per a la seva història, [in:] Terme 13 (1998), p. 47
  19. ↑ José María, Victoriano, Rosa María, Ramón, Carlos, Rafael, Antonio and Francisco Javier, La Vanguardia 30.01.93, available here
  20. ↑ Josep Maria Cunill i Sola, [in:] Periferia [online], available here
  21. ↑ Josep Maria Solé Soldevila, Bandera roja (1968-1974) [PhD thesis Universitat de Barcelona], Barcelona 2019, pp. 321-323
  22. ↑ La Vanguardia 22.10.07, available here
  23. ↑ El Debate 08.11.30, available here
  24. ↑ La Voz 17.07.28, available here
  25. ↑ El Dia Grafico 11.05.29, available here
  26. ↑ El Dia Grafico 17.09.30, available here
  27. ↑ La Vanguardia 06.11.32, available here
  28. ↑ José Fernando Mota Muñoz, ‘Precursores de la Unificación’. El España Club y el voluntariado español, una experiencia unitaria de la extrema derecha barcelonesa (1935-1936), [in:] Historia y Política 28 (2012), p. 279
  29. ↑ Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805, p. 116, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, p. 22
  30. ↑ La Voz de Cantabria 09.11.32, available here
  31. ↑ Josep Arqué i Carré, Derecha de Cataluña: Monarquics alfonsins contra la Segona República i la Catalunya Autonoma (1931-1936) [PhD thesis Universitat Autónoma], Barcelona 2014, p. 67
  32. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 138-139
  33. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2020, p. 113
  34. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 138-139
  35. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2020, p. 117
  36. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 24
  37. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 134-136
  38. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 24
  39. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 134-136
  40. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 169
  41. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 195-198
  42. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 199
  43. ↑ Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 81
  44. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2020, p. 117
  45. ↑ 1934 late in wake of October events Luis López Varela, a captain and member of UME, sought adhesion from paramilitary units: Cunill pledged 500 men in first row, while Sindicatos Libres declared 200, JONS 30, FE 43, and Renovacion 12 men, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 182-183
  46. ↑ he was elected when running on a joint coalition ticket of La Lliga and the Alfonsists, Mota Muñoz 2020, p. 117; his term lasted until the civil war; he was deposed in August 1936, Cessen els regidors de dretes en un Ple sense l’assistència de l’alcalde, [in:] Terrassa 75 service, available at terrassa75.wordpress service [site blocked by Wikipedia]
  47. ↑ original owners of the daily were Josep Badrinas Sala and Narcís Ventalló Vergés; they sold 9/10 of the ownership package to a group of co-owners, which apart from Cunill included also Joaquín Amat Llopart, Pedro Geis Bosch and José Palau Profitós, Rafael Comes, La branca industrial dels Marcet, una nissaga singular, [in:] Terme 29 (2014), pp. 173, 178
  48. ↑ Cunill is not explicitly listed as member of the Catalan Junta Regional, though he did take part in meetings of the regional party executive, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 262
  49. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 185
  50. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2012, p. 285
  51. ↑ in late 1935 the requeté detachment planned assault on Theosophic Centre in Terrassa and then FAI estate at Figueres; both were intended as sort of baptism of fire. The plan has been eventually abandoned, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 285-286
  52. ↑ apart from Cunill, other key civilians involved were Josep Maria Fontana Tarats, Josep Maria Poblador (both Falange), Darius Romeu i Freixa, Antonio Lopis and Emilio Juncadella, Pelai Pagès i Blanch, War and Revolution in Catalonia, 1936-1939, Leiden 2013, ISBN 9789004254275, pp. 22-23
  53. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2012, p. 295
  54. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2012, p. 286
  55. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 298, Alcalá 2001, p. 27
  56. ↑ Mota Muñoz 2020, p. 117
  57. ↑ the appointment of Cayla has not been welcome by the Integrism-related current within Catalan Carlism. It is not clear what was the position assumed by Cunill, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 304
  58. ↑ Cunill travelled to Irun to talk to Zamanillo, Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 312
  59. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, p. 320
  60. ↑ Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 58
  61. ↑ his account in César Alcalá, La represión política en Cataluña, Madrid 2005, ISBN 8496281310, pp. 101-104
  62. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 115
  63. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2008, pp. 314-315, 324-325
  64. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 31
  65. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 59
  66. ↑ Josep Bru i Jardi, Petita història de la guerra civil: vinti-tres testimonis informen, Barcelona 1977, p. 109
  67. ↑ compare Aróstegui 2013
  68. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 21, Aróstegui 2013, p. 689
  69. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 59
  70. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 43
  71. ↑ Joan María Thomás, Falangistes i carlins catalans a la ‘zona nacional’ durant la Guerra civil (1936-1939), [in:] Recerqués 31 (1995), p. 9
  72. ↑ Cunill is not mentioned in works which discuss Carlist debates of the early 1937, compare e.g. Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 8487863523, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349
  73. ↑ Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 214
  74. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 45
  75. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 79
  76. ↑ Josep Miralles Climent, La rebeldía carlista. Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416558711, pp. 91-92
  77. ↑ “borrado en algunos pueblos el nombre de Franco” and “por la fuerza de las armas se impondrán al Caudillo”, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 214
  78. ↑ Miralles Climent 2018, p. 114
  79. ↑ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 229
  80. ↑ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 226
  81. ↑ Comes 2014, pp. 175-176
  82. ↑ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 210
  83. ↑ e.g. the Girona provincial FET jefe Vicente Ortega complained about Cunill co-organizing illegal Carlist meetings in Girona, Jordi Esteve Rubío Coromina, “Dios, Patra y Tradición” o la falsa unitat de les forces franquistes a la provincia de Girona, [in:] Antoni Segura, Andreu Mayayo, Teresa Abelló (eds.), La dictadura franquista. La institucionalització d’un régim, Barcelona 2012, ISBN 9788491687139, p. 122
  84. ↑ otherwise "the requeté police will come and burn you down". The Falangists held Sivatte and Cunill responsible, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 234
  85. ↑ Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 240, Alcalá 2001, p. 52
  86. ↑ according to another source Cunill organized the Carlist onslaught on the Falangist Frente de Juventudes at Escuela Industrial in Barcelona, but was not present himself, Miralles Climent 2018, p. 161
  87. ↑ in 1943 Cunill and José Vives took part in a meeting of Navarrese Carlists; it was probably staged as intended to undermine Fal, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714, p. 193
  88. ↑ the reply of Don Javier reproduced in full in reproduced Alcalá 2001, pp. 85-86
  89. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 109
  90. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 112
  91. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 113
  92. ↑ Vallverdú i Martí 2012, p. 118
  93. ↑ Alcalá 2001, p. 31

Further reading

Cunill during military service, around 1920
  • César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797
  • José Fernando Mota Muñoz, ¡Viva Cataluña española!: Historia de la extrema derecha en la Barcelona republicana (1931-1936), Valencia 2020, ISBN 9788491345909
  • Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805
  • Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261
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