Panthay Rebellion

Map of the Muslim Uprisings against the Qing Empire
Date1856–1873
Location
Result

Qing victory

  • Fall of Pingnan Guo
  • Weakening of the Qing dynasty
Belligerents
Qing Empire Pingnan Guo
Commanders and leaders
Cen Yuying
Ma Rulong
Du Wenxiu
Ma Shenglin
Ma Shilin
Strength
Manchu, Han Chinese, Loyalist Muslim troops and non-Muslim ethnic minority mercenaries (Lolos (Yi), Lou-tse (Lisu), Kachin (Kakhyens)) Rebel Muslims, Rebel Han Chinese and non-Muslim ethnic minority mercenaries (Lolos (Yi), Lou-tse (Lisu), Kachin (Kakhyens))
Casualties and losses
1,000,000 dead 1,000,000 dead
Panthay Rebellion
Traditional Chinese杜文秀起義
Simplified Chinese杜文秀起义
Literal meaningDu Wenxiu uprising
Alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese雲南回變
Simplified Chinese云南回变
Literal meaningYunnan Hui rebellion

The Panthay Rebellion (18561873), also known as the Du Wenxiu Rebellion (Tu Wen-hsiu Rebellion), was a rebellion of the Muslim Hui people and other (Muslim as well as non-Muslim) ethnic groups against the Manchu-led Qing dynasty in southwestern Yunnan Province, as part of a wave of Hui-led multi-ethnic unrest. During the war the Hui and Han spared each other's villages when they surrendered peacefully, only massacring villages that resisted.

The name "Panthay" is a Burmese word, which is said to be identical with the Shan word Pang hse.[1] It was the name by which the Burmese called the Chinese Muslims who came with caravans to Burma from the Chinese province of Yunnan. The name was not used or known in Yunnan itself.[2] The rebellion referred to itself as the Pingnan Kingdom, meaning Pacified Southern Kingdom.[3]

Causes

Flag of the Panthay Rebellion.

Discrimination by Manchu officials in China's imperial administration against the Hui caused their rebellions.[4] Although some sources suggest that the Panthay Rebellion originated solely as a conflict between Han and Hui miners in 1853, Han-Hui tensions had existed for decades prior to the event including a three-day massacre of Hui by Han and Qing officials in 1845. Hui and Han were regarded and classified by Qing as two different ethnic groups, with Hui not regarded as an exclusively religious classification.

Volume 8 of the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics states that the Panthay Revolt by the Muslims was set off by racial antagonism and class warfare, rather than the mistaken assumption that it was all due to Islam and religion.[5]

In 1856, a massacre of Muslims organized by a Qing Manchu official responsible for suppressing the revolt in the provincial capital of Kunming sparked a province-wide multi-ethnic insurgency.[6][7][8] In Dali City in western Yunnan, an independent kingdom was established by Du Wenxiu (18231872) who was born in Yongchang to a Han Chinese family, which had converted to Islam.[7][9] Du Wenxiu was ethnically Han from both his parents and not Hui but was raised as a Muslim and led his rebellion as an anti-Manchu rebellion instead of a religious war by Muslims against non-Muslims.[10]

The Manchu official who started the anti-Muslim massacre was Shuxing'a, who developed a deep hatred of Muslims after an incident where he was stripped naked and nearly lynched by a mob of Muslims. He ordered several Muslim rebels to be slowly sliced to death.[11][12] Tariq Ali wrote about the real incident in one of his novels, claiming the Muslims who had nearly lynched Shuxing'a were not Hui Muslims but belonged to another ethnicity but nevertheless the Manchu official blamed all Muslims for the incident.[13][14]

Ideology of the rebels

Ethnic minority "hill tribes" such as the (Lolos (Yi), Lou-tse (Lisu), Kachin (Kakhyens)) fought on both the Qing side and Panthay sultanate side during the war and were paid by being allowed to pillage for loot.[15] The revolt was not religious in nature, since the Muslims had non-Muslims in their army like the non-Muslim Shan and Kakhyen and other hill tribes.[16] A British officer stated that the Muslims did not rebel for religious reasons, and he also stated that the Chinese were tolerant of different religions so they were unlikely to have caused the revolt by interfering in the practice of Islam.[17] In addition, loyalist Muslim forces helped Qing crush the rebel Muslims.[18]

The Hui Sunni Muslim cleric Yusuf Ma Dexin who had traveled throughout the Ottoman empire and learned anti-Shia hatred there returned to Yunnan and preached anti-Shia and anti-Sufi hatred while he was supporting the Panthay rebellion, describing Iran as a Shia country and using the derogatory term Rafidah for Shia Muslims and also attacking Sufi orders among the Hui as like Rafidah, calling for them to be abolished.[19]

Du Wenxiu was not waging his rebellion against Han Chinese people, instead, he wanted to destroy the Manchu government because he was anti-Qing. During the revolt, Hui from provinces which were not in rebellion, like Sichuan and Zhejiang, served as negotiators between rebellious Hui and the Qing government. One of Du Wenxiu's banners read "Deprive the Manchu Qing of their Mandate to Rule" (革命滿淸), and he called on Han to assist Hui in their attempt to overthrow the Manchu regime and drive the Manchus out of China.[20] Du's forces led multiple non-Muslim forces, including Han Chinese, Li, Bai, and Hani.[21] Du Wenxiu also called for unity between Muslim Hui and Han. He was quoted as saying "our army has three tasks: to drive out the Manchus, unite with the Chinese, and drive out traitors."[22]

Du Wenxiu did not blame Han for the massacres of Hui, instead, he blamed the Manchu regime for the massacres, saying that the Manchus were foreign to China and saying that they alienated the Chinese and other minorities.[23][24]

Du Wenxiu also called for the complete expulsion of the Manchus from all of China in order for China to come under Chinese rule once again.[25]

A total war was waged against Manchu rule. Du Wenxiu refused to surrender, unlike the other rebellious Muslim commander, Ma Rulong.[26] This may have had something to do with the sects of Islam practiced among the rebels. The Gedimu Hanafi Sunni Muslims under Ma Rulong readily defected to Qing, while the Jahriyya Sufi Muslims did not surrender. Some of the Jahriyya rebels in the Panthay Rebellion like Ma Shenglin were related to the Dungan revolt Jahriyya leader Ma Hualong and maintained contact with them.

The rebellion started after the Manchu authorities perpetrated massacres of Hui.[27] Du used anti-Manchu rhetoric in his rebellion against the Qing, calling for Han to join the Hui to overthrow the Manchu Qing after 200 years of their rule.[28][29] Du invited the fellow Hui Muslim leader Ma Rulong to join him in driving the Manchu Qing out and "recover China".[25] For his war against Manchu "oppression", Du "became a Muslim hero", while Ma Rulong defected to the Qing.[30] On multiple occasions Kunming was attacked and sacked by Du Wenxiu's forces.[31][32] His capital was Dali.[33] The revolt ended in 1873.[34] Du Wenxiu is regarded as a hero by the present day government of China.[35]

Du Wenxiu wore Chinese clothing, and he mandated the use of the Arabic language by his regime.[36][37] Du also banned pork.[38] Ma Rulong also banned pork in areas under his control after he surrendered and joined the Qing forces.[39]

In Kunming, there was a slaughter of 3,000 Muslims on the instigation of the judicial commissioner, who was a Manchu, in 1856. De Wenxiu was of Han Chinese origin despite being a Muslim and he led both Hui Muslims and Han Chinese in his civil and military bureaucracy. Du Wenxiu was fought against by another Muslim leader, the defector to the Qing Ma Rulong. The Muslim scholar Ma Dexin, who said that Neo-Confucianism was reconcilable with Islam, approved of Ma Rulong defecting to the Qing and he also assisted other Muslims in defecting.[40]

Tribal pagan animism, Confucianism, and Islam were all legalized and "honoured" with a "Chinese-style bureaucracy" in Du Wenxiu's Sultanate. A third of the Sultanate's military posts were filled with Han Chinese, who also filled the majority of civil posts.[41]

Revolutionary slogans of Du Wenxiu

Negotiations

Peace negotiations were held by Zhejiang and Sichuan Hui Muslims who were invited by the Qing to Yunnan in 1858 and they were not involved in the revolt.[44]

Course of the war

The rebellion started as widespread local uprisings in virtually every region of the province. It was the rebels in western Yunnan under the leadership of Du Wenxiu who, by gaining control of Dali in 1856 (which they retained until its fall in 1872), became the major military and political center of opposition to the Qing government. They turned their fury on the local mandarins and ended up challenging the central government in Beijing.

The Imperial government was hindered by a profusion of problems in various parts of the sprawling empire, the Taiping rebellion being one of them. It was a time when China was still suffering from the shocks caused by the first series of unequal treaties, such as the Treaty of Nanking. These circumstances favored the ascendancy of the Muslims in Yunnan.

The "Pacified" Southern Kingdom

Momien during the Pingnan Kingdom, from Colonel Sladen and Browne

The rebels captured the city of Dali, which became the base for their operations, and they declared themselves a separate political entity from China. The rebels identified their nation as Pingnan Guo (Ping-nan Kuo; Chinese: 平南国; lit. 'Pacified Southern State'); their leader Sulayman ibn `Abd ar-Rahman, known as Du Wenxiu [originally Yang Xiu (杨秀)[45]] (died 1873) was styled Qa´id Jami al-Muslimin ('Leader of the Community of Muslims', but usually referred to in foreign sources as Sultan) and ruled 1856  26 December 1872. Starting from 1855 the Hui of Yunnan had risen against the oppression to which they were subjected by the mandarins. They rose against the tyranny and extortion universally practiced by this official class, from which they were excluded. The mandarins had secretly hounded mobs on to the rich Panthays, provoked anti-Hui riots and instigated destruction of their mosques.[46] The revolt was not religious in nature, since the Muslims were joined by non-Muslim Shan and Kachin people and other hill tribes in the revolt.[16] A British officer testified that the Muslims did not rebel for religious reasons and that the Chinese were tolerant of different religions and were unlikely to have caused the revolt by interfering with the practicing of Islam.[17] In addition, loyalist Muslim forces helped Qing crush the rebel Muslims.[18]

The rebellion started as a local uprising. It was sparked off by the Panthay laborers of the silver mines of Lin'an village in Yunnan who rose up against the Qing. The Chinese Governor of Yunnan sent an urgent appeal to the central government in Beijing. The Imperial Government was handicapped by problems that cropped up in profusion in various parts of the sprawling empire.

They repulsed the desultory attacks of the imperial troops. They wrested one important city after another from the hands of the imperial mandarins. The Chinese towns and villages that resisted were pillaged, and the adult male populations there were massacred. All the Chinese places that yielded and surrendered were spared from massacre and harm.[46] The ancient holy city of Dali fell to the Panthays in 1857. With the capture of Dali, Muslim supremacy became an established fact in Yunnan.

Du Wenxiu was originally not aiming his rebellion at Han, but was anti-Qing and wanted to destroy the Manchu government. During the revolt Hui from provinces which were not in rebellion, like Sichuan and Zhejiang, served as negotiators between rebel Hui and the Qing government. One of Du Wenxiu's banners said "Deprive the Manchu Qing of their Mandate to Rule" (革命滿清), and he called on Han to assist Hui to overthrow the Manchu regime and drive them out of China.[20] Du's forces led multiple non-Muslim forces, including Han-Chinese, Li, Bai, and Hani.[21] Du Wenxiu also called for unity between Muslim Hui and Han. He was quoted as saying "our army has three tasks: to drive out the Manchus, unite with the Chinese, and drive out traitors."[22] Du Wenxiu did not blame Han, but blamed the tensions on the Manchu regime, saying that they were foreign to China and alienated the Chinese and other minorities.[23] Du Wenxiu also called for the complete expulsion of Manchus from all of China in order for China to once again come under Chinese rule.[25] Total war was waged against Manchu rule. Du Wenxiu refused to surrender, unlike the other rebel Muslim commander, Ma Rulong.[26] This may have had something to do with the sects of Islam practiced among the rebels. The Gedimu Hanafi Sunni Muslims under Ma Rulong readily defected to Qing, while the Jahriyya Sufi Muslims did not surrender. Some of the Jahriyya rebels in the Panthay Rebellion like Ma Shenglin were related to the Dungan revolt Jahriyya leader Ma Hualong and maintained contact with them.

The "Islamic Kingdom of Yunnan" was proclaimed after the fall of Tali-fu (Dali City). Du Wenxiu, leader of the Panthays, assumed the regnal title of Sultan Suleiman and made Tali-fu his capital. In this way, the Sultanate, fashioned after those of' the Middle East, appeared in Yunnan. Panthay governorships were also created in a few important cities, such as Momein (Tengyueh), which were a few stages from the Burmese border town of Bhamo. The Panthays reached the highwater mark of their power and glory in 1860.

Upon taking power, Du Wenxiu proclaimed that "the Taiping will become our allies, we will help each other, and we will destroy our enemies with our combined efforts." indicating his intention to cooperate with the heterodox Christian Taiping Rebellion which sought to overthrow the Qing dynasty.[47]

The eight years from 1860 to 1868 were the heyday of the Sultanate. The Panthays had either taken or destroyed forty towns and one hundred villages.[48] During this period the Sultan Suleiman, on his way to Mecca as a pilgrim, visited Rangoon, presumably via the Kengtung route, and from there to Calcutta where he had a chance to see the British in India.[49]

Qing Suppression of the Panthay Rebellion
Capture of Qujing.
Capture of Tucheng
Capture of Zhenxiong.
Battle of Chenggjiang
Capture of Dali, the capital of the Pingnan Sultanate
Scroll paintings by artists of the Qing Imperial Court from the collection of the Palace Museum, Forbidden City

Decline

The Sultanate's power declined after 1868. The Chinese Imperial government had succeeded in reinvigorating itself. By 1871 it was directing a campaign for the annihilation of the obdurate Hui Muslims of Yunnan. By degrees the Imperial government had tightened the cordon around the Sultanate. The Sultanate proved unstable as soon as the Imperial government made a regular and determined attack on it. Town after town fell under well-organized attacks from imperial troops. Dali itself was besieged by imperial forces. Sultan Sulayman (also spelt Suleiman) found himself caged in by the walls of his capital. Desperately looking for outside help, he turned to the British for military assistance.[50] He realized that only British military intervention could have saved his Sultanate.

The Sultan had reasons for turning to the British. British authorities in India and British Burma had sent a mission led by Maj. Sladen to the town of Tengyue in present-day Yunnan (known as Momien in the Shan language) from May–July 1868.[51] The Sladen mission had stayed seven weeks at Momien meeting with rebel officials. The main purpose of the mission was to revive the Ambassadorial Route between Bhamo and Yunnan and resuscitate border trade, which had almost ceased since 1855, mainly because of the Yunnan Muslims' rebellion.

Taking advantage of the friendly relations resulting from Sladen's visit, Sultan Sulayman, in his fight for the survival of the Pingnan Guo Sultanate, turned to the British Empire for formal recognition and military assistance. In 1872 he sent his adopted son Prince Hassan to England with a personal letter to Queen Victoria, via Burma, in an attempt to obtain official recognition of the Panthay Empire as an independent power.[52] The Hassan Mission was accorded courtesy and hospitality in both British Burma and England. However, the British politely but firmly refused to intervene militarily in Yunnan against Peking.[50] In any case the mission came too latewhile Hassan and his party were abroad, Dali was captured by Imperial troops in January 1873.

The Imperial government had waged an all-out war against the Sultanate with the help of French artillery experts.[50] The ill-equipped rebels with no allies were no match for their modern equipment, trained personnel and numerical superiority. Thus, within two decades of its rise, the power of the Panthays in Yunnan fell. Seeing no escape and no mercy from his relentless foe, Sultan Sulayman tried to take his own life before the fall of Dali. However, before the opium he drank took full effect, he was beheaded by his enemies.[53][54][55][56] Manchu troops then began a massacre of the rebels, killing thousands of civilians, sending severed ears along with the heads of their victims.[57] His body is entombed in Xiadui outside of Dali.[58] The Sultan's head was preserved in honey and dispatched to the Imperial Court in Peking as a trophy and a testimony to the decisive nature of the victory of the Imperial Manchu Qing over the Muslims of Yunnan.[59]

One of the Muslim generals, Ma Rulong (Ma Julung), defected to the Qing side.[60] He then helped the Qing forces crush his fellow Muslim rebels.[61][62][63] He was called Marshal Ma by Europeans and acquired almost total control of Yunnan province.[64]

In the 1860s, when Ma Rulong in central and west Yunnan, fought to crush the rebel presence to bring the area under Qing control, a great-uncle of Ma Shaowu Ma Shenglin defended Greater Donggou against Ma Rulong's army. Ma Shenglin was the religious head of the Jahriyya menhuan in Yunnan and a military leader. A mortar killed him during the battle in 1871.[65]

Scattered remnants of the Pingnan Guo troops continued their resistance after the fall of Dali, but when Momien was next besieged and stormed by imperial troops in May 1873, their resistance broke completely. Gov. Ta-sa-kon was captured and executed by order of the Imperial government.

Aftermath

Atrocities

Though largely forgotten, the bloody rebellion caused the deaths of up to a million people in Yunnan. Many adherents to the Yunnanese Muslim cause were persecuted by the imperial Manchus. Wholesale massacres of Yunnanese Muslims followed. Many fled with their families across the Burmese border and took refuge in the Wa State where, about 1875, they set up the exclusively Hui town of Panglong.[66]

For a period of perhaps ten to fifteen years following the collapse of the Panthay Rebellion, the province's Hui minority was widely discriminated against by the victorious Qing, especially in the western frontier districts contiguous with Burma. During these years the refugee Hui settled across the frontier within Burma gradually established themselves in their traditional callings – as merchants, caravaneers, miners, restaurateurs and (for those who chose or were forced to live beyond the law) as smugglers and mercenaries and became known in Burma as the Panthay.

At least 15 years after the collapse of the Panthay Rebellion, the original Panthay settlements in Burma had grown to include numbers of Shan and other hill peoples.

Panglong, a Chinese Muslim town in British Burma, was entirely destroyed by the Japanese invaders in the Japanese invasion of Burma.[67] The Hui Muslim Ma Guanggui became the leader of the Hui Panglong self-defense guard created by Su who was sent by the Kuomintang government of the Republic of China to fight against the Japanese invasion of Panglong in 1942. The Japanese destroyed Panglong, burning it and driving out the over 200 Hui households out as refugees. Yunnan and Kokang received Hui refugees from Panglong driven out by the Japanese. One of Ma Guanggui's nephews was Ma Yeye, a son of Ma Guanghua and he narrated the history of Panglang included the Japanese attack.[68] An account of the Japanese attack on the Hui in Panglong was written and published in 1998 by a Hui from Panglong called "Panglong Booklet".[69] The Japanese attack in Burma caused the Hui Mu family to seek refuge in Panglong but they were driven out again to Yunnan from Panglong when the Japanese attacked Panglong.[70]

Impact on Muslims

The Qing dynasty did not massacre Muslims who surrendered, in fact, Muslim General Ma Rulong, who surrendered and join the Qing campaign to crush the rebel Muslims, was promoted, and among Yunnan's military officers serving the Qing, he was the strongest.[64][65]

The Qing armies left alone Muslims who did not revolt like in Yunnan's northeast prefecture of Zhaotong where there was a big Muslim population density after the war.[71]

The use of Muslims in the Qing armies against the rebel Muslims was noted by Yang Zengxin.[72]

The third reason is that at the time that Turkic Muslims were waging rebellion in the early years of the Guangxu reign, the ‘five elite divisions’ that governor general Liu Jintang led out of the Pass were all Dungan troops [Hui dui 回队]. Back then, Dungan military commanders such as Cui Wei and Hua Dacai were surrendered troops who had been redeployed. These are undoubtedly cases of pawns who went on to achieve great merit. When Cen Shuying was in charge of military affairs in Yunnan, the Muslim troops and generals that he used included many rebels, and it was because of them that the Muslim rebellion in Yunnan was pacified. These are examples to show that Muslim troops can be used effectively even while Muslim uprisings are still in progress. What is more, since the establishment of the Republic, Dungan have demonstrated not the slightest hint of errant behaviour to suggest that they may prove to be unreliable.

Impact on Burma

The rebellion had a significant negative impact on the Konbaung dynasty. After ceding lower Burma to the British following the First Anglo-Burmese War, Burma lost access to vast tracts of rice-growing land. Not wishing to upset China, the Burmese kingdom agreed to refuse trade with the Pingnan Guo rebels in accordance with China's demands. Without the ability to import rice from China, Burma was forced to import rice from India. In addition, the Burmese economy had relied heavily on cotton exports to China, and suddenly lost access to the vast Chinese market. Many surviving Hui refugees escaped over the border to neighboring countries, Burma, Thailand and Laos, forming the basis of a minority Chinese Hui population in those nations.

See also

References

  •  This article incorporates text from Burma past and present, by Albert Fytche, a publication from 1878, now in the public domain in the United States.
  •  This article incorporates text from Encyclopædia of religion and ethics, Volume 8, by James Hastings, John Alexander Selbie, Louis Herbert Gray, a publication from 1916, now in the public domain in the United States.
  1. Scott 1900, p. 607
  2. Yule & Burnell 1968, p. 669
  3. Notar, Beth (2001). "Du Wenxiu and the Politics of the Muslim Past". Twentieth-Century China. 26 (2). doi:10.1179/tcc.2001.26.2.64.
  4. Atwill 2005
  5. James Hastings; John Alexander Selbie; Louis Herbert Gray (1916). Encyclopædia of religion and ethics, Volume 8. EDINBURGH: T. & T. Clark. p. 893. ISBN 9780567065094. Retrieved 28 November 2010.(Original from Harvard University)
  6. R. Keith Schoppa (2002). Revolution and its past: identities and change in modern Chinese history. Prentice Hall. p. 79. ISBN 0-13-022407-3. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  7. 1 2 Fairbank 1980, p. 213.
  8. Rowe, William T. (2009). China's Last Empire: The Great Qing. Harvard University Press. p. 209. ISBN 0674036123.
  9. Elleman, Bruce A. (2001). Modern Chinese Warfare, 1795-1989 (illustrated ed.). Psychology Press. p. 64. ISBN 0415214734. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  10. Qian, Jingyuan (2014). "Too Far from Mecca, Too Close to Peking: The Ethnic Violence and the Making of Chinese Muslim Identity, 1821-1871". History Honors Projects. 27: 37.
  11. Atwill 2005, p. 89.
  12. Wellman, James K. Jr., ed. (2007). Belief and Bloodshed: Religion and Violence across Time and Tradition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 121. ISBN 978-0742571341.
  13. Ali, Tariq (2014). The Islam Quintet: Shadows of the Pomegranate Tree, The Book of Saladin, The Stone Woman, A Sultan in Palermo, and Night of the Golden Butterfly. Open Road Media. ISBN 978-1480448582.
  14. Ali, Tariq (2010). Night of the Golden Butterfly (Vol. 5) (The Islam Quintet). Verso Books. p. 90. ISBN 978-1844676118.
  15. (Anderson, 1876, 344)
  16. 1 2 Fytche 1878, p. 300
  17. 1 2 Fytche 1878, p. 301
  18. 1 2 Joseph Mitsuo Kitagawa (2002). The religious traditions of Asia: religion, history, and culture. Routledge. p. 283. ISBN 0-7007-1762-5. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  19. Wang, Jianping. "The Opposition of a Leading Akhund to Shi’a and Sufi Shaykhs in Mid-Nineteenth-Century China." Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review, vol. 3 no. 2, 2015, p. 518-541. Project MUSE, https://doi.org/10.1353/ach.2015.0015.
  20. 1 2 Dillon 1999, p. 59; Atwill 2005, p. 139.
  21. 1 2 International Arts and Sciences Press, M.E. Sharpe, Inc (1997). Chinese studies in philosophy, Volume 28. M. E. Sharpe. p. 67. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  22. 1 2 Chesneaux, Bastid & Bergère 1976, p. 114.
  23. 1 2 Association of Muslim Social Scientists, International Institute of Islamic Thought (2006). The American journal of Islamic social sciences, Volume 23, Issues 3-4. AJISS. p. 110. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  24. Jacob Tyler Whittaker (1997). Du Wenxiu's Partial Peace: Framing Alternatives to Manchu Rule Across Ethnic Boundaries Among China's Nineteenth-century Rebel Movements. University of California, Berkeley. p. 38.
  25. 1 2 3 Atwill 2005, p. 120.
  26. 1 2 Yunesuko Higashi Ajia Bunka Kenkyū Sentā (Tokyo, Japan) (1993). Asian research trends, Volumes 3-4. Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. p. 137. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  27. Schoppa, R. Keith (2008). East Asia: identities and change in the modern world, 1700-present (illustrated ed.). Pearson/Prentice Hall. p. 58. ISBN 978-0132431460. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  28. Dillon 1999, p. 59.
  29. Dillon, Michael (2012). China: A Modern History (reprint ed.). I.B.Tauris. p. 90. ISBN 978-1780763811. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  30. Yunesuko Higashi Ajia Bunka Kenkyū Sentā (Tokyo, Japan) (1993). Asian Research Trends, Volumes 3-4. Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. p. 137. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  31. Mansfield, Stephen (2007). China, Yunnan Province. Compiled by Martin Walters (illustrated ed.). Bradt Travel Guides. p. 69. ISBN 978-1841621692. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  32. Damian Harper (2007). China's Southwest. Regional Guide Series (illustrated ed.). Lonely Planet. p. 223. ISBN 978-1741041859. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  33. Giersch, Charles Patterson (2006). Asian Borderlands: The Transformation of Qing China's Yunnan Frontier (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Press. p. 217. ISBN 0674021711. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  34. Mosk, Carl (2011). Traps Embraced Or Escaped: Elites in the Economic Development of Modern Japan and China. World Scientific. p. 62. ISBN 978-9814287524. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  35. Comparative Civilizations Review, Issues 32-34. 1995. p. 36. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  36. Journal of Southeast Asian studies, Volume 16. McGraw-Hill Far Eastern Publishers. 1985. p. 117. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  37. Journal of Southeast Asian studies, Volume 16. McGraw-Hill Far Eastern Publishers. 1985. p. 117. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  38. Journal of Southeast Asian studies, Volume 16. McGraw-Hill Far Eastern Publishers. 1985. p. 127. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  39. Atwill 2005, p. 124.
  40. Fairbank 1980, pp. 213–.
  41. Fairbank 1980, pp. 214–.
  42. 王钟翰 2010
  43. 中国人民大学. 书报资料中心 (1984). 中国近代史, Issues 1-6. 中国人民大学书报资料社. p. 61. Retrieved 28 June 2010.
  44. Dillon 1999, pp. 59 ff..
  45. http://www.shijiemingren.com/doc-view-27181.html Archived 17 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine, retrieved 31 Mar 2017
  46. 1 2 (Anderson, 1876, 233)
  47. Chesneaux, Bastid & Bergère 1976, p. 120.
  48. (Anderson, 1876, 343)
  49. (Anderson, 1876, 242)
  50. 1 2 3 Thaung 1961, p. 481
  51. John Anderson; Edward Bosc Sladen; Horace Albert Browne (1876). Mandalay to Momien: A Narrative of the Two Expeditions to Western China of 1868 and 1875, Under Col. Edward B. Sladen and Col. Horace Browne. Macmillan and Company. p. 189.
  52. "The Chinese in Central Asia". Pall Mall Gazette. British Newspaper Archive. 19 December 1876. Retrieved 6 August 2014.
  53. Myint-U 2007, pp. 145, 172.
  54. Myint-U, Thant (2012). Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia (illustrated, reprint ed.). Macmillan. ISBN 978-0374533526. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  55. White, Matthew (2011). Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History (illustrated ed.). W. W. Norton & Company. p. 298. ISBN 978-0393081923. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  56. Cooke, Tim, ed. (2010). The New Cultural Atlas of China. Contributor Marshall Cavendish Corporation. Marshall Cavendish. p. 38. ISBN 978-0761478751. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  57. Myint-U 2007, p. 172.
  58. Yunesuko Higashi Ajia Bunka Kenkyū Sentā (Tokyo, Japan) (1993). Asian Research Trends, Volumes 3-4. Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies. p. 136. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  59. Thaung 1961, p. 482
  60. de Kavanagh Boulger 1893, p. 319
  61. Davenport Northrop 1894, p. 130
  62. Littell & Littell 1900, p. 757
  63. Holmes Agnew & Hilliard Bidwell 1900, p. 620
  64. 1 2 de Kavanagh Boulger 1898, p. 443
  65. 1 2 Garnaut 2008
  66. Scott 1900, p. 740
  67. Forbes, Andrew; Henley, David (December 2015). "'Saharat Tai Doem' Thailand in Shan State, 1941–45". CPA Media.
  68. Chang 2015, pp. 122–.
  69. Chang 2015, pp. 124–.
  70. Chang 2015, pp. 129–.
  71. Dillon 1999, p. 77
  72. Garnaut 2008, pp. 104–105.

Bibliography

Essays, studies

Articles (in journals, magazines etc.)

  • "Contemporary Review", Religious toleration in China, vol. 86, July 1904
  • Holmes Agnew, John; Hilliard Bidwell, Walter (1900), Eclectic Magazine, Leavitt, Throw and Co., retrieved 28 June 2010
  • Littell, Eliakim; Littell, Robert S. (22 September 1900), "The Living Age", Making of America Project, The Living Age Co. Inc., vol. 225, no. 2933, retrieved 28 June 2010
  • 王钟翰 (2010), 中国民族史 [Han Chinese National History], GWculture.net, archived from the original on 26 May 2011, retrieved 28 June 2010 (in Chinese) -->

This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.