Expected cancellation and contingency planning

The United Kingdom invoked Article 50 of the Treaty on the European Union on 29 March 2017 following a referendum on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union. As a result, the country was due to leave the EU on 29 March 2019, before the European Parliament elections took place. Nonetheless, on 27 May 2018, it was reported that the UK's Electoral Commission had set aside £829,000 for its "activities relating to a European Parliamentary election in 2019". The Commission described the money as a "precautionary measure, so that we have the necessary funds to deliver our functions at a European Parliamentary election, in the unlikely event that they do go ahead".^[21][22][23]

The European Parliament resolution of 7 February 2018 on the composition of the European Parliament (2017/2054(INL) – 2017/0900(NLE)) included these clauses:

• H7 refers to the re-allocation of some UK seats following the UK withdrawal from the EU, stating: "Underlines that the seats to be vacated by the United Kingdom upon its withdrawal from the European Union will facilitate the adoption of a new allocation of seats in Parliament, which will implement the principle of degressive proportionality; further underlines that the new allocation proposed would allow for a reduction in the size of Parliament; notes that the use of only a fraction of the seats vacated by the United Kingdom is sufficient to ensure no loss of seats for any Member State".
• H6 has a contingency for the situation that the UK does not leave the EU before the 2019 election, stating that "in case the above mentioned legal situation concerning the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union changes, the allocation of seats applied during the 2014–2019 parliamentary term should apply until the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union becomes legally effective".^[24]

The European Council also drew up contingency plans allowing the UK to retain its MEPs were Brexit to be postponed:^[25]

However, in the event that the United Kingdom is still a Member State of the Union at the beginning of the 2019–2024 parliamentary term, the number of representatives in the European Parliament per Member State taking up office shall be the one provided for in Article 3 of the European Council Decision 2013/312/EU until the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the Union becomes legally effective.^[26]

Official preparations

After Brexit was delayed beyond its initial planned date of 29 March 2019, the possibility of a sufficiently long delay so as to require the election to take place became more apparent. The period for withdrawal under Article 50 was first extended, with the unanimous approval of the European Council, until 12 April 2019^[27][28] – the deadline for informing the EU of the intention to hold an election.^[29] By early April, the House of Commons had voted again to extend the withdrawal period, and a deadline of 31 October 2019 was agreed between the UK and the Council. The UK Government therefore ordered preparations for the election,^[30] with the deadline for candidate nominations on 24 April for the South West England region and 25 April for all other regions.

Nevertheless, ratification of a withdrawal agreement by the UK and European parliaments would still have permitted the UK to leave before October. Had this occurred before 23 May, the United Kingdom and Gibraltar would not have taken part in the 2019 European Parliament elections scheduled for that day.^[31] On 7 May, the UK Government announced that it would not be able to obtain ratification in time to prevent the elections, although it still aimed to ratify the withdrawal agreement before October.^[32] Later in May, it also acknowledged that the MEPs elected would take up their seats, with Brexit not due to happen until after 2 July.^[33]

Campaign background

The two major UK political parties, the Conservatives and Labour, saw the prospect of elections for the European Parliament (while the UK was due to leave the European Union) as problematic, with both having been keen to avoid this scenario.^[34] The backdrop of ongoing debate around Brexit was expected to be a very significant factor in how people voted, with the election seen by many as a "proxy referendum" on whether the country should leave the EU or not.^[7] Commentators suggested that the vote share for the Conservatives and Labour could fall, with voters moving towards a number of pro-Leave or pro-Remain parties,^[35] and this did indeed happen.

The Conservative government had made several attempts to get the Withdrawal Agreement that it had negotiated with the EU approved by the House of Commons, which would have allowed for Brexit before the election. All these having failed, the Conservatives entered into cross-party talks with the Labour Party to see whether they could agree a withdrawal plan.^[36] These talks were still ongoing as of 10 May 2019,^[37] but eventually failed.

The election was seen as being significant for two new single-issue parties: the Brexit Party (supporting Brexit), and Change UK (supporting the UK remaining in the EU).^[38][7]

Between the 2014 and 2019 elections, there were many changes to the breakdown of UK members due to defections and changes in affiliation. This table shows the number of MEPs in each party at both ends of the term:

Affiliation		Members
		At 2014 election	At dissolution	Change
	Conservative	19	18	1
	Labour	20	18	2
	Brexit Party	—	14	14
	Independent	0	6	6
	Green	3	3
	UKIP	24	3	21
	SNP	2	2
	Liberal Democrats	1	1
	Sinn Féin	1	1
	DUP	1	1
	Plaid Cymru	1	1
	Ulster Unionist	1	1
	SDP	0	1	1
	Change UK	—	1	1
Vacant seats		0	2	2
Total		73	73

Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland has a different party system to Great Britain, dominated by regional parties, and using single transferable vote rather than the party list system.

Two of the three sitting MEPs contested the election: Martina Anderson for Sinn Féin and Diane Dodds for the Democratic Unionist Party.^[71][72] Jim Nicholson, who had represented the Ulster Unionist Party since 1989, retired, with Danny Kennedy instead running for the party.

Three parties selected their leaders as candidates: Colum Eastwood for the SDLP,^[73] Naomi Long for the Alliance Party,^[74][75] and Clare Bailey for the Green Party.^[72]

UKIP nominated Robert Hill as their candidate.^[76] The Conservative Party also nominated a candidate,^[77] making the Conservatives and UKIP the only two parties to stand candidates in all regions across the UK.

In April 2019, Jane Morrice, co-founder of the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and a former deputy speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly, announced she was standing as an independent on a pro-Remain platform.^[78]

Parties in the election

Labour

In early 2019 there was an ongoing debate within Labour as to what its policy should be with respect to Brexit. On 20 April, the party's deputy leader Tom Watson argued the party needed to back a second referendum on Brexit in order to present a clear alternative to and beat the Brexit Party, but that was not Labour's preferred option.^[79] A draft of a Labour leaflet that made no reference to a second referendum provoked a public row,^[80] including more than 90 Labour MPs and MEPs writing to the party's National Executive Committee (NEC) in protest.^[81] On 27 April, Labour announced that the original leaflet draft was to be redrafted to include details of the party's preparations for a general election, with a referendum if necessary to avoid what it called a "bad Tory deal".^[82]

Labour's manifesto for the elections was agreed at an NEC meeting on 30 April, re-affirming its 2018 policy that it will first seek a Brexit deal on its terms (including a Customs Union), but if that is not possible, it will seek a general election, and, if that is not possible, a second referendum. Only one vote was held at the meeting, on an amendment from the TSSA union that sought to commit Labour to a referendum on any Brexit deal, but this was rejected by a what NEC sources called a "clear" margin.^[83] Retiring Labour MEP Mary Honeyball criticised this as "Not good enough"^[84] and some Labour Party members destroyed their membership cards in protest.^[85] However, some Remain-supporting Labour MPs, and Labour MPs sceptical of a second referendum, welcomed the decision.^[84] Watson had walked out of the Shadow Cabinet meeting earlier on 30 April in protest at Shadow Cabinet members not being shown the draft manifesto.^[86][87]

Labour's 9 May campaign launch stressed bringing the country together. Jeremy Corbyn talked of a "healing process" between those who supported Leave and Remain.^[88] By mid-May, Watson and Labour's Shadow Brexit Secretary Keir Starmer were arguing for a second referendum, yet their shadow international trade secretary Barry Gardiner stated "Labour is not a Remain party now".^[89] In most voting areas, e.g. Scotland and South West England, all Labour candidates stated their support for a second referendum,^[90] with the UK's longest-serving MEP, David Martin (Labour) and the Labour Leader in the European Parliament Richard Corbett MEP among those calling for the country to stay in the EU.^[91] Polling in mid-May suggested both Labour supporters and the electorate in general were split as to whether Labour supported remaining or leaving the EU.^[90]

Conservative

The Conservative government was hopeful of agreeing a withdrawal deal with the EU soon enough that UK MEPs would not take up their seats. The party did not spend any central money on candidate campaigning, did not publish a manifesto and did not hold a campaign launch. One Conservative MEP said that the deficit of campaigning would be used as an excuse if the party does poorly in the elections. Many party activists were demotivated given the failure of the government to deliver Brexit.^[35] Conservative councillors in Derbyshire boycotted the European elections and refused to campaign in protest.^[92] A survey of 781 Conservative councillors found that 40% plan to vote for the Brexit Party.^[93] Conservative MPs, including Lucy Allan, tweeted positive comments about the Brexit Party. In response, the Conservative Party issued a warning that individuals campaigning for or endorsing other parties will be expelled from the party.^[94]

The Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party, Theresa May, had announced her intention to resign before the next general election, but further pressure mounted on her to be clear about her timetable for departure, with May meeting the party's 1922 Committee on the matter on 16 May 2019.^[95] This resulted in May agreeing to stand down by 30 June 2019.^[96] Campaigning by possible successors accelerated after the local elections.

UKIP

UKIP argued it was "the authentic party of Brexit, the true party of Leave", to quote party leader Gerard Batten.^[97] Alongside the Conservatives, UKIP was one of two Brexit-supporting parties fielding a candidate in every region of the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland.^[70] Batten criticised the rival Brexit Party as having no policies. UKIP launched its campaign on 18 April. There was renewed criticism surrounding its candidate Carl Benjamin for telling Labour MP Jess Phillips "I wouldn't even rape you" on Twitter in 2016, and producing a satirical video.^{[98][99][100]} Further controversy came as one of UKIP's sitting MEPs Stuart Agnew addressed a pro-apartheid club of expat South Africans in London that reportedly had links to the far-right.^[101]

Brexit Party

Nigel Farage, the Brexit Party and former UKIP leader, said that there was "no difference between the Brexit party and UKIP in terms of policy, [but] in terms of personnel, there's a vast difference", criticising UKIP's connections to the far right.^[102] On 15 April 2019, three more sitting female UKIP MEPs defected to the Brexit Party, criticising UKIP's nomination of Benjamin as a candidate. In particular, Collins noted UKIP leader Gerard Batten's defence of Benjamin's "use of a non-rape threat as 'satire'" to be an especially compelling factor.^[103] Two further UKIP MEPs moved to the Brexit Party on 17 April. On 23 April, Farage said that the Brexit Party was not "here just to get a process vote on 23 May – far from it, 23 May for us is just the beginning".^[104] He also argued that the better the performance of the Brexit Party, the lower the chance of a second referendum on Brexit.^[105] Farage argued that should the Brexit Party get most votes in the elections, his party should get a seat at the UK/EU negotiations.^[89]

Liberal Democrats, Green Party and Change UK

The three main nationwide pro-European Union parties standing in the election, Liberal Democrats, Greens and Change UK, wished to treat the election as a "soft referendum" on Europe.^[106] Commentators such as Marina Hyde raised the concern of a split vote among pro-Remain parties reducing the number of pro-Remain MEPs being elected.^[107][108] Vince Cable, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, proposed standing joint candidates with the Greens and Change UK on a common policy of seeking a second referendum on Brexit, but the other parties rejected the idea.^[109] Change UK's co-founder Chuka Umunna confirmed the Lib Dem approach, but he^[108] and Change UK interim leader Heidi Allen dismissed concerns of a split Remain vote.^[110] Independent MEP Julie Girling, then supporting Change UK, said she had decided not to stand for re-election as a Change UK candidate because of the concern about maximising the Remain vote.^[111] On 10 May, she endorsed the Liberal Democrats.^[112][113] Change UK and Girling clarified that she had not been and was not a Change UK MEP, with Girling saying she sat as an independent MEP.^[114] On 15 May, David Macdonald, the lead candidate for Change UK in Scotland, switched to endorsing the Liberal Democrats in order not to split the pro-Remain vote.^[115] On 22 May, Allen said that she and another Change UK MP, Sarah Wollaston, wanted to advise Remain supporters to vote Liberal Democrat outside of London and South East England, but they were overruled by other party members.^[116][117]

The Greens said that joint lists were not "desirable" and that there were "fundamental ideological differences" on other issues between the parties that wanted a second referendum.^[118] The Green Party campaigned on a platform calling for action on climate change as well as an anti-Brexit platform.^[119]

The Liberal Democrats ran on a "stop Brexit" message,^[120] seeking the support of those who wanted the UK to remain in the EU.^[38] At his party's campaign launch on 26 April, Cable lamented that it was not standing on a common platform with other parties opposed to Brexit.^[120] It launched its manifesto on 9 May, unveiling its campaign slogan "Bollocks to Brexit," which attracted considerable media debate.^[121][122] Polling in the final fortnight put the Liberal Democrats ahead of the other pro-Remain parties and overtaking Labour in some polls.^[123][124]

Change UK (which in early April was still known as the Independent Group) saw the election as an important launchpad for its new party,^[7] seeking to turn the ballot into a "proxy referendum" on Brexit.^[125] On 16 April 2019, two former Conservative MEPs, who had left the party to sit as independents within the European People's Party grouping, announced their support for Change UK.^[126] The Renew Party agreed to support Change UK at the elections, and the latter included candidates from Renew's approved list.^[127] Molly Scott Cato, a sitting MEP for the Green Party of England and Wales, criticised Change UK as "a single-issue party with no coherent policy platform beyond opposing Brexit".^[128]

Other parties

The SNP campaign launch was marred by tens of thousands of personalised letters being sent to the wrong people.^[129][130] The mistake was reported to be in the data supplied by SNP HQ, run by Peter Murrell, husband of SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon. The party apologised for the error: the party referred itself to the Information Commissioner's Office^[131] and may have been fined but was cleared of breaching data protection regulations.^[132]

The DUP campaigned on sending a message to "get on with Brexit".^[133]

Later events

Local elections were held in most of England and all of Northern Ireland on 2 May. The results saw both Conservatives and Labour losing seats in what The Guardian called a "Brexit backlash" while the Liberal Democrats, Greens and independents made gains. The Liberal Democrats made the biggest gains which the Lib Dem leader Vince Cable put down to a rejection of the Conservatives and Labour over their Brexit approaches.^[134] Stephen Bush, writing in the New Statesman, argued that the Lib Dem success in the local elections make it the most likely party for Remain voters to rally around at the European elections^[135] while James Moore in The Independent described them as having the "momentum" leading into the European elections.^[136] Alliance (the Lib Dems' sister party in Northern Ireland), other smaller parties and independents also made significant gains in the local elections in Northern Ireland.^[137]

On 18 May, former Conservative Deputy Prime Minister and sitting Conservative peer Michael Heseltine said he would vote for the Liberal Democrats instead of the Conservatives because of his own party's support for Brexit.^[138] Heseltine subsequently had the Conservative whip suspended, owing to his comments.^[139]

Polling after the local elections saw the Brexit Party in front, followed by Labour, with the Liberal Democrats taking third from the Conservatives.^[140][141] Conservative sources predicted the party could come even lower than fourth.^[35] By the weekend before the vote, the Labour Party was concerned at the increased polling for the Liberal Democrats, which came above Labour in London and in some national polls.^[123]

On 17 May, Labour left talks that had been held to find a Brexit deal with the Conservative government.^[142] May then proposed to bring a new deal to the House of Commons for a vote in early June, which she described as an "improved package of measures",^[143] after which she was expected to step down as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party.

The campaign saw multiple cases of milkshakes being thrown at controversial MEP candidates on the right.^[144] The protests began against Carl Benjamin, the anti-feminist social media activist who had attracted controversy for jokes about rape,^[145][146] and activist Tommy Robinson.^[147] They later extended to Nigel Farage, leader of the Brexit Party. Police asked a Scottish fast food outlet near where a Farage rally was taking place not to sell milkshakes on the night of the event.^[148]

On 21 May, the Prime Minister and Leader of the Conservative Party, Theresa May made a speech outlining her plan to introduce an EU withdrawal agreement bill in June that would allow the Commons to make amendments, e.g. in favour of a Customs Union or a second referendum, but this was received badly by much of her own party as well as by other parties.^[149] There were growing calls for her to resign on 22 May, the day before the election.^[149] Andrea Leadsom, the Leader of the House of Commons, resigned on the evening of 22 May. May had planned to publish the bill on Friday 24 May, but on polling day, she abandoned that plan, with publication delayed until early June.^[150] On the day after the vote, May announced that she would resign as party leader on 7 June.^[151]

There were several reports on the day of problems encountered by non-UK UK-resident EU citizens not being able to vote because their paperwork had not been processed in time, with opposition politicians raising concerns as to whether there had been systemic failures.^{[150][152][153]} At least three councils admitted that the compressed timescale of the election meant that they had not been able to send postal ballots out in time for some voters overseas.^[154] A report by The Guardian after the election found that there were low levels of completion of UC1 forms, required by UK-resident EU citizens in order for them to vote in the UK, in many parts of the country.^[155] After the election, the European Commission complained to the UK government about the "obstacles" faced by EU citizens in voting.^[156] A month later, the Dutch Interior Ministry stated that almost half the local UK registration officials had failed to send the UC1 data to the Dutch authorities, and that a portion of the data sent was unusable, despite complaints by the Dutch government about similar issues in 2014.^[157]

Between the vote and the count

Because results could not be announced until the last European Union member country's polls had closed, and most countries in the EU voted on Sunday, the counting of UK ballots started on Sunday 26 May 2019.^[158]

Within a day of the polls closing, two party leaders and one deputy party leader announced their plans to resign. On 24 May, Theresa May announced her plan to resign as leader of the Conservative Party on 7 June, which would trigger a leadership contest. On the same day, Mike Hookem resigned as deputy leader of UKIP in order to challenge for the leadership.^[159] Vince Cable, leader of the Liberal Democrats, had previously stated his intention to stand down after the local elections and European Parliament elections. The party's leadership contest officially started on 24 May.^[160]

Two Labour politicians announced their departures from the party after the vote: departing MEP Mary Honeyball^[161] and former Welsh AM Leighton Andrews; Andrews said he had voted Green.^[162] Both criticised Labour over alleged antisemitism and their failure to oppose Brexit.^[161][162] Alastair Campbell, formerly Director of Communications for the Labour Party, said he had voted for a pro-Remain party, the first time in his life he had not voted Labour.^[163] He later revealed that he voted for the Liberal Democrats^[164][165] and was expelled from the Labour Party.^[166]

Party Brexit positions

Among other parties, the SDLP opposed Brexit and supported a second referendum, but it supported the withdrawal agreement if Brexit is to take place.^[187][188] The Alliance Party opposed Brexit,^[189][190] while TUV supported it.^[191][192]

Newspapers

Results by constituency and local areas

Results by country/region (left) and by local authority areas (right). The Brexit Party won every region in England and Wales, except London, where the Liberal Democrats came top. The SNP was the largest party in Scotland and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. At the local authority level, the Brexit Party won most areas in England and Wales, and the SNP most in Scotland, with the Liberal Democrats, Labour, Plaid Cymru and the Green Party winning the remainder.

Vote share by constituency (GB only)

Analysis

Estimated results of the 2019 European Parliament election for House of Commons constituencies in Great Britain. Dr. Chris Hanretty, a Reader in Politics at the University of East Anglia, estimated through a demographic model the most likely result by parliamentary constituency should it be repeated at a general election, concluding that the Brexit Party would have won a majority with 414 seats.^{[207][208][209]}

The Brexit Party was the largest party, gaining five more seats than UKIP achieved in 2014. Nigel Farage, as leader of UKIP in 2014 and the Brexit Party in 2019, became the first person to lead two different parties that topped a national election. The Brexit party came first in Wales and in eight of the nine English constituencies. It finished third in London.^[164] The Brexit Party polled highest in regions that voted Leave in the Brexit referendum.^[210]

The Liberal Democrats came second. This was its best performance in a national election since the 2010 general election and its best ever in a European Parliament election.^[164] This was the first time it or its predecessor parties had come second in a national election since before the Second World War. It was the largest party in the London constituency, the largest party in the second-highest number of English reporting areas, and the only party other than the SNP to top any Scottish reporting area.^[164]

The Labour Party was third overall. It did not come first in any constituency. This was its worst result in Wales for nearly a century; it did not come first in any reporting area in Wales or Scotland.^[164] Labour's vote fell in both Remain and Leave areas.^[210]

The Greens came fourth, with their best performance since the 1989 European elections. The Green Party of England and Wales was the largest party in three reporting areas.^[164]

The Conservative Party came fifth, and was not the largest party in any reporting area, polling below 10% for the first time in the party's history.^[164] It lost votes across the country, but did worst in Remain areas. The combined share for Labour and the Conservatives was 23%, well below their previous (post-Second World War) low of 43.5% in 2009.^[210]

The SNP came sixth overall but first in the single Scottish constituency, the only one in which it stood candidates. It was the largest party in 30 of the 32 Scottish council areas.^[211]

Plaid Cymru came second in Wales behind the Brexit Party, marking the first time it had beaten Labour in any Wales-wide election.^[212] The closest result across the UK was in Wales, where the Liberal Democrats were 13,948 votes (1.7%) behind Labour for the last MEP.

In Northern Ireland, the three MEPs elected were from the Democratic Unionist Party, which advocates the continuation of the union with Great Britain, Sinn Féin, which campaigns for a united Ireland, and the cross-community Alliance Party. The latter two were opposed to Brexit. It was the first time that unionists had won fewer than two of the three seats, and the first time that all three MEPs were women.^[213] The Alliance success was noted as an indicator for the rise of the "Others", who identify neither as Unionist nor Nationalist.^[214]

Various analyses sought to combine vote shares for different parties together to index a pro-Remain or pro-Leave vote. A Press Association report aggregated support for explicitly anti-Brexit parties, defined as the LibDems, Greens, SNP, Plaid Cymru and Change UK, totalling 40.4%, versus that for those supporting a no-deal Brexit, the Brexit Party and UKIP, on 34.9% (figures are for Great Britain only, excluding Northern Ireland where there was a majority for anti-Brexit parties). That analysis excludes Labour on 14% and the Conservatives on 9%.^{[215][216][217]} Guardian journalist Dan Sabbagh noted how there were several possible comparisons one could make, e.g. the Brexit Party (5.2 million votes) against the Liberal Democrats and Greens combined (5.4 million votes); or the Brexit Party, UKIP and the DUP (5.9 million votes) against the Liberal Democrats, Greens, Change UK, SNP, Plaid Cymru, Sinn Féin and Alliance (6.8 million votes).^[217] In terms of seats, 34 were won by Leave-supporting parties and 39 by Remain-supporting parties (if Conservatives are counted for 'Leave'). Sabbagh, later followed by fellow Guardian journalist Polly Toynbee, tackled how to account for Labour and Conservative votes by adding them in based on polling as to how their supporters split—assigning 80% of Conservative voters to Leave and 60% of Labour voters to remain—in this way predicting a 50%-Remain-to-47%-Leave split in a second referendum.^[217][216] However, BBC political journalist Laura Kuenssberg critiqued the whole endeavour of adding up different vote shares.^[218] In terms of a comparison between Leave- and Remain-supporting parties, psephologist John Curtice simply described the result as a draw.^[164][210]

A large post-vote poll commissioned by Michael Ashcroft estimated that 53% of those who voted Conservative in the 2017 general election voted for the Brexit Party, while 21% voted Conservative and 12% voted Liberal Democrat. 38% of those who voted Labour in 2017 supported the party at this election, while 22% voted Liberal Democrat, 17% Green and 13% Brexit Party. 69% of the LibDem voters of 2017 stayed with the party, while 13% voted Green and 7% Brexit Party. 24% of the UKIP voters of 2017 stayed with their party, but 68% switched to the Brexit Party. Among all voters, 50% said they had voted to remain in the referendum and 45% to leave; and 50% stated they now wanted to leave, and 46% stated they now wanted to remain.^[219]

YouGov released polling suggesting 41% of Labour Party members voted for other parties at the European election (including 19% Green and 15% Liberal Democrat). Likewise, 67% of Conservative Party members voted for other parties (59% Brexit Party).^[220]

Electoral Commission report

The Electoral Commission released its report on the election on 8 October 2019. The report highlighted the difficulties for EU27 citizens and British citizens abroad to vote, despite concerns raised after the 2014 European election.^[221]

MEPs not standing for re-election

Twenty-eight MEPs sitting at the end of the European Parliament's term did not seek re-election.^[240]

Incumbent MEPs defeated

Change UK

• Richard Ashworth – South East England (originally elected as Conservative)

Conservative

• Amjad Bashir – Yorkshire and the Humber (originally elected as UK Independence Party)
• Daniel Dalton – West Midlands
• Nirj Deva – South East England
• John Flack – East of England
• Ashley Fox (Conservative Group leader in the European Parliament) – South West England
• Syed Kamall (co-chair of the ECR group) – London
• Sajjad Karim – North West England
• Rupert Matthews – East Midlands
• Emma McClarkin – East Midlands
• John Procter – Yorkshire and the Humber
• Charles Tannock – London

Labour

• Paul Brannen – North East England
• Wajid Khan – North West England
• David Martin – Scotland
• Alex Mayer – East of England
• Clare Moody – South West England
• Siôn Simon – West Midlands

UK Independence Party

• Stuart Agnew – East of England
• Gerard Batten (UKIP leader) – London
• Mike Hookem – Yorkshire and the Humber

Manifestos

• Alliance
• Change UK
• DUP
• Green Party of England and Wales
• Labour
• Liberal Democrats
• Plaid Cymru
• Sinn Féin
• Scottish Greens
• UKIP